
Book iJ2 

COPYRIGHT DEPOSIT 



POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES 



AT HOME AND ABROAD 



HENRY W. HILLIARD, LL.D. 



"The whole earth is a sepulchre of illustrious men." 

Pericles. 






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G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS j;^'7i7 '^ 

NEW YORK LONDON 

»7 WEST TWENTY-THIRD STREET 24 BEDFORD STREET, STRAND j 

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1S92 /^ 



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Copyright, 1892 

BY 

HENRY W. HILLIARD 



Electrotyped, Printed, and Bound by 

"Cbc Iknichcrbocljcr ipccss, IRcvc Botfc 
G. P. Putnam's Sons 




INTRODUCTORY NOTE. 

After an extended observation of public affairs in the 
United States, and in other countries, I purpose to write 
a history of some of the most important events that I 
have witnessed, and to sketch some of the most conspicu- 
ous. actors in the great drama of this nineteenth century 
now drawing towards its close. 

Having been engaged in the service of my country at 
home and abroad, it has been my fortune to meet many 
eminent men, and to observe the actual working of the 
political systems that have so rapidly developed the re- 
sources and advanced the power of the United States 
where free government is established, and those of other 
countries where monarchical forms exist with all the 
accessories of pomp and splendor and state. 

I have seen the rise and fall of parties, the overthrow 
of reigning dynasties, and the setting up on the ruins of 
fallen thrones other establishments. Of these events and 
the men who took part in them I shall write freely ; in 
the hope that the following pages recording the struggles, 
the disasters, and the triumphs which have occurred in 
our time may contribute something towards the advance- 
ment of the liberty of mankind all over the world. 

Henry W. Hilliard. 



Atlanta, Ga,, 
January, 1891. 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER I. 

PAGE 

National Whig Convention at Harrisburg — General Harrison — Hon- 
orable Henry Clay — General Scott — John Tyler — James Barbour — 
Benjamin Watkins Leigh — Judge Burnet — Horace Greeley . . i 

CHAPTER II. 

The Canvass of 1840 — Mr. Van Buren's Administration — Financial 
Policy — Personal Qualities — General William Henry Harrison — 
John Tyler — The Whig Plan of the Canvass — Great Popular 
Meetings — Leading Statesmen on the Hustings — Unparalleled 
Enthusiasm ........... 12 

CHAPTER III. 

Inauguration of President Harrison — Death — Accession of Mr. Tyler — 
Mission to Belgium — Washington — New York — The Ocean — The 
Voyage — Arrival at Liverpool — High-Sheriff's Coach — Judge 
Maule 23 

CHAPTER IV. 

London — Edward Everett — Sir Robert Peel — An Evening in the House 
of Lords — The Duke of Wellington — Lord Lyndhurst — Lord 
Brougham — Mr. Bates, of Baring Bros. — Mr. Van der Weyer, 
Belgian Ambassador — Rothschild — Departure . . . -33 



CHAPTER V. 

Antwerp — Brussels — Honorable Virgil Maxcy — Hotel de France — 
Great Military Review on the Banks of the Rhine — Cologne — Aix- 
la-Chapelle Splendid Reception by the King of Prussia — Baron 
Humboldt — Return to Brussels 40 



VI CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER VI. 

PAGE 

King Leopold and the Queen — Diplomatic Representatives at the Court 
— Dinner at the Palace at Laeken — My Residence near the Park — 
Arrangements for Living ........ 47 

CHAPTER VII. 

The Government of Belgium — The Royal Palace — The Chamber of 
Representatives, or Palais de la Nation — The Burgundian Library 
— The Hotel de Ville — The Forest of Soignies — Excursion to 
Waterloo — The Battle — Napoleon ...... 53 

CHAPTER VIII. 

A Visit of the French Ambassador, Marquis de Rumigny — Sir Hamilton 
Seymour, English Minister — Visit to Paris — Louis Philippe — Mr. 
Ledyard, United States Charge d' Affaires — Chamber of Deputies — 
M. Guizot — Reception by M. Guizot — Lord Cowley, English Am- 
bassador — Dinner at the Palace — Baron Humboldt . . .64 

CHAPTER IX. 

Return to Brussels — Leave of Absence to Visit the United States — 
Interview with the King — Leave for Home via England — Steam- 
ship Columbia — Arrival at Boston — Visit to Alabama — Montgomery 
— Return to Brussels from the United States — Reception — Visits . 73 

CHAPTER X. 

Visit of the Queen of England and Prince Albert to Brussels — Popular 
Reception — Dinner at the Palace — Prince Albert — Lord Aberdeen 
— Lord Liverpool — Interview with Count de Briey, Minister of 
Foreign Affairs .......... 80 

CHAPTER XL 

Excursion to the Rhine — Liege — Cologne — On the Rhine — Worms — 
Luther before the Great Diet — Luther's Elm — Heidelberg — The 
University — Return to Brussels 85 

CHAPTER XII. 

Change in the Belgian Ministry — General Goblet d'Alviella — Arrival of 
Mr. Dangerfield, Minister of the Republic of Texas — Excursion to 
Holland — Mr. William Norris, of Philadelphia — Honorable Chris- 
topher Hughes, of Maryland, Minister to Holland -90 



CO AT TENTS. vii 



CHAPTER XIII. 



Brussels — Mr. Norris — Military Display — Relations of Belgium to the 
Great Powers of Europe — Visit to Paris — The Tuileries — The 
King's Fete Day — Splendid Reception — Royal Family — Cabinet 
Ministers — Guizot — Marshal Soult — Diplomatic Corps — Hotel des 
Invalides — Notre Dame — Versailles ...... lOO 

CHAPTER XIV. 

Brussels — Official Duties — Announcement from Washington of the 
Appointment of Mr. Calhoun as Secretary of State — Dinner at the 
Palace of Laeken — Dinner at Mr. Waller's, English Secretary of 
Legation — Evening Reception at the Palace — Letters from Home 
— Resignation — Departure from Brussels ..... 109 

CHAPTER XV. 

Arrival at Washington City — Interview with the President — State of 
the Country — Canvass for the Presidency — Mr. Clay — Mr. Polk — 
Arrival at Montgomery — Mass-Meeting of the Whigs — Honorable 
Alexander H. Stephens — Honorable Arthur F. Hopkins — Defeat of 
Mr. Clay — Nomination for a Seat in Congress — Canvass — Election . 115 

CHAPTER XVI. 

Opening of Congress, December, 1845 — The Senate — The House of 
Representatives — Sketches of Members — President's Message — 
Texas — Oregon — Debate on the Oregon Question — Negotiation and 
Settlement ........... 126 

CHAPTER XVII. 

Relations with Mexico — Measures Adopted by the President — War — 
Battles of Palo Alto and Resaca de la Palma — Supplies Voted — 
Views of the Two Houses of Congress — Archibald Yell — Jefferson 
Davis — Smithsonian Institution — Honorable Charles J. IngersoU's 
Attack on Mr. Webster — Honorable William L. Yancey . . 145 

CHAPTER XVIII. 

Second Session of the Twenty-ninth Congress — President's Message — 
Vigorous Prosecution of the War Recommended — General Taylor's 
Victories — Monterey — General Scott, Commander-in-Chief — The 
Battle of Buena Vista — General Scott's Expedition against Vera Cruz 
and the Capture of that City — The President Recommends to 
Congress the Appointment of a Lieutenant-General — Action of the 
House and of the Senate in Regard to this Recommendation — 
General Proceedings of Congress ....... 162 



Viii CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER XIX. 

PACK 

Re-election to Congress — Opening of the Session — Organization of the 
House of Representatives — Mr. Winthrop Elected Speaker — 
Abraham Lincoln Takes his Seat in the House — New Members of 
the Senate — President's Message — Death of Mr. Adams — Circum- 
stances Attending it — Marks of Respect to his Memory — Treaty of 
Peace with Mexico — General Taylor's Return Home — Nomination 
to the Presidency .......... tSi 

CHAPTER XX. 

Closing Scenes of Mr. Polk's Administration — Meeting of the Southern 
Members — Visit to Boston — Adjournment of Congress — Inaugura- 
tion of President Taylor — Members of his Cabinet — Renomination 
for Congress — Canvass — Election — Triumph of the Whig Party . 198 

CHAPTER XXI. 

Opening Session of the New Congress — President's Message — Angry 
Aspect of the Slavery Question in Congress — Mr. Clay — Mr. 
Webster — Mr. Calhoun's Last Speech — His Last Appearance in 
the Senate — Mr. Calhoun's Death — President Taylor's Plan of 
Settlement of the Slavery Question under Discussion — President's 
Death — Mr. Fillmore's Accession to the Presidency — Interview 
with Mr. Webster — Success of the Compromise Measures — Scenes 
in Washington . . . . . . . . .212 

CHAPTER XXII. 

Interval between the Two Sessions of Congress — Visit to New York — 
Speech at Castle Garden, October 14, 1850 — Jenny Lind — Great 
Concert in Philadelphia — Opening of the December Session of 
Congress — State of the Country — Social Life in Washington — Sir 
Henry L. Bulwer — Mr. Corcoran — Mr. Benjamin Ogle Tayloe — 
Adjournment of Congress ........ 235 

CHAPTER XXIII. 

Return to Montgomery — Decline a Re-election to Congress — Discus- 
sions with Hon. William L. Yancey — Democratic Convention at 
Baltimore, June i, 1852 — Whig Convention at Baltimore, June i6th 
— Death of Henry Clay, June 2gth — Death of Daniel Webster, 
October 24th — Presidential Election, November 2d — Administra- 
tion of President Pierce — New Acquisition of Territory from Mexico 
— Organization of Two New Territories, Kansas and Nebraska — 
Repeal of the Missouri Compromise Act ..... 249 



CONTENTS. IX 

CHAPTER XXIV. 

PAGE 

Political Movements in 1856 — American National Convention, February 
22d — Democratic National Convention, June 2d — Republican 
National Convention, June 17th — Canvass for Mr. Fillmore — 
Reception at Huntsville — Debates vi^ith Hon. L. P. Walker — 
Speech at Huntsville — Mass-Meeting at Atlanta — Hon. B. H. Hill 
— Presidential Election — President Buchanan's Administration — 
Oration at the University of Virginia Commencement, 1859 — Hon. 
William C. Preston 268 

CHAPTER XXV. 

Political Events of i860 — Democratic National Convention at Charles- 
ton ; at Baltimore — Democratic National Convention at Richmond ; 
at Baltimore — Constitutional Union Convention at Baltimore — 
Republican National Convention at Chicago — Canvass — Great 
Meeting in Cooper Institute, New York — Speech in Faneuil Hall, 
Boston — Edvv'ard Everett — Speech at Utica — Governor Seymour 
— Speech at Buffalo — Mr, Fillmore — Presidential Election, Novem- 
ber 6th — Abraham Lincoln ........ 285 

CHAPTER XXVI. 

Effect of Mr. Lincoln's Election upon the Country — Secession of South 
Carolina — Mississippi — Florida — Alabama — Speech against Seces- 
sion — Georgia — Speech of Mr. Stephens — Louisiana — Texas — 
Efforts Made to Arrest the Revolution — Opening of Congress — 
Mr. Buchanan's Message — Confederate Congress at Montgomery, 
Alabama, February 4, 1861 — Provisional Government Organized 
— Jefferson Davis of Mississippi Elected President — Alexander H. 
Stephens of Georgia, Vice-President — Mr. Davis Inaugurated Feb- 
ruary 1 8th — His Cabinet — Mr. Lincoln Inaugurated March 4th — 
Mr. Stephens' Speech, March 21st — Fort Sumter — Virginia — 
Tennessee ........... 306 

CHAPTER XXVII. 

State of the Country — Session of Congress at Montgomery, April 29, 
1861 — President Davis' Message — Patriotic Ardor in Support of 
the Government — North Carolina — Arkansas — Robert E. Lee — 
Albert Sidney Johnston — Removal of the Seat of Government to 
Richmond — Visit to Richmond — Battle of Manassas — War — Presi- 
dent Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation — General Lee's Sur- 
render — General Grant — General Joseph E. Johnston's Surrender 
— General Sherman — Fall of the Confederate Government — 
Principles Involved in the Struggle 33i 



X CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER XXVIII. 

PAGE 

Assassination of President Lincoln — A National Calamity — The North 
and the South both Mourned his Death, and Paid Tributes to his 
Memory — His Character — His Place in History — Accession of 
Andrew Johnson to the Presidency — Reconstruction Measures — 
Mr. Seward — Chief-Justice Chase ....... 343 

CHAPTER XXIX. 

President Hayes — Honorable Richard W. Thompson — Honorable Wil- 
liam M. Evarts — Mission to Brazil — Steamer Rtissia — London — 
Paris — Stuttgart — Voyage from Bordeaux to Rio de Janeiro — Arrival 
— First Impressions . . . . . . . . .356 

CHAPTER XXX. 

Palace of San Cristovao — Emperor and Empress — Col. Richard Cutts 
Shannon — Imperial Family — Count Koskul, Russian Minister — 
Season in Rio — Tijuca — Mr. Gillett, Navy Agent — Mr. Midwood — 
Apartments in Rio — Mr. Wilson ....... 364 

CHAPTER XXXI. 

Trade-Mark Treaty — Botanical Garden Railroad — Mr. Greenough — 
Evening at Mr. Wilson's — Madame Durand — Tamagno — Leave of 
Absence — Visit to Stuttgart — Return to Rio ..... 373 

CHAPTER XXXII. 

Petropolis — The Emperor — Mr. Ford, English Minister — Mr. Goschen, 
Secretary of Legation — Baron vSchreiner, Austrian Minister — Mr. 
Nabuco — Return to Rio — Statesmen of Brazil — The Press . . 379 

CHAPTER XXXIII. 

Leave of Absence to Visit the United States — Meet Mrs. Hilliard and 
Daughters in Paris — London — Sunday — Mr. Spurgeon — Evening 
Service in St. Paul's Cathedral — Liverpool — Voyage — New York — 
Washington — President Hayes — Georgia ..... 383 

CHAPTER XXXIV. 

Return to Brazil via England and France — London — House of Lords — 
— Lord Granville — Paris — Chamber of Deputies — Gambetta — Gen- 
eral Grant — Voyage from Bordeaux to Rio — Count Koskul — Arrival 
at Rio 388 



CONTENTS. xi 

CHAPTER XXXV. 

PAGE 

Aspect of Political Affairs — Slavery Agitation — Mr. Nabuco, President 
of the Anti-Slavery Society — His Appeal to me to State the Result 
of Emancipation in the United States — Correspondence on the 
Subject — Excitement Produced by it — Interview with the Emperor, 393 

CHAPTER XXXVI. 

Banquet Given to me "by the Anti-Slavery Society — Discussion in the 
Chamber of Deputies — Interpellation to the Premier, Mr. Sariava — 
Public Interest as to the Result — Reply of Mr. Saraiva in the 
Chamber of Deputies — The Scene — Public Sentiment in the Empire 
— Mr. Ford, English Minister — Lord Granville of the Gladstone 
Cabinet — " Blue Book" of the British Parliament — Petropolis . 398 

CHAPTER XXXVII. 

Close of President Hayes' Administration — Accession of General Gar- 
field to the Presidency — Resignation Forwarded — Mr. Blaine, 
Secretary of State — Interview with the Emperor and Empress — 
Departure from Rio — Voyage — Beautiful Views — Teneriffe — 
Madeira — Arrival at Bordeaux — Paris — Anniversary of the Repub- 
lic — London — Dean Stanley — Westminster Abbey — Canon Farrar 
— Voyage to New York — Washington — Mr. Blaine . . . 403 

Conclusion ............ 409 

APPENDIX. 

Mr. HilHard's Participation in the Emancipation Measure in Brazil as 

Published in the British Parliamentary " Blue Book " . . -411 

Index 437 





POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES 

AT HOME AND ABROAD 



CHAPTER I. 

National Whig Convention at Harrisburg — General Harrison — Honorable 
Henry Clay — General Scott — John Tyler — James Barbour — Benjamin 
Watkins Leigh — Judge Burnet — Horace Greely. 

When the National Whig Convention assembled at 
Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, December 4, 1839, it ^^'^ before 
it three eminent aspirants to the presidency — General Wil- 
liam Henry Harrison, Henry Clay, and General Winfield 
Scott. Twenty-two States were represented, and many 
of the delegates were men of distinction. Virginia was 
represented by several of her most eminent men— John 
Tyler, Governor James Barbour, and Benjamin Watkins 
Leigh, who would have been recognized as illustrious in 
any assembly. 

The venerable Judge Burnet led the delegation from 
Ohio. Among the conspicuous men from New York was 
Horace Greeley. I was one of the youngest men in the 
Convention, taking my seat as a delegate from Alabama. 

Leaving Montgomery in mid-winter, I travelled to 
Harrisburg with the ardor of youth to take part, for 
the first time, in national politics. Taking Washington 
in my way, I made a brief stay there, and saw for the 



2 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

first time Congress in session. Honorable William C. 
Preston, a senator from South Carolina, received me 
with marked kindness and consideration. I had read law 
in his office in Columbia, after graduating at the renowned 
College of South Carolina, and I enjoyed a life-long, per- 
sonal friendship with him. Mrs. Preston, the lovely and 
accomplished Miss Penelope Davis, was with the dis- 
tinguished senator, giving an indescribable charm to their 
home in Washington. I met for the first time many of 
the public men of the country. Mr. Preston asked if 
I had ever seen Mr. Webster, and learning that I had 
not, said : " You must see Webster ; he looks the great 
man more than any of us." Entering the gallery of the 
Senate-chamber, next day, I looked down upon that 
assemblage of illustrious men. Mr. Webster was in his 
seat, and his appearance justified Mr. Preston's remark. 
He recalled to me the idea of classic grandeur; there was 
in him a blended dignity and power, most impressive; 
his head was magnificent, the arch of imagination rising 
above the brows, surmounted by a development of ven- 
eration resembling that of the bust of Plato ; and as he 
sat in his place, surrounded by his peers, it seemed as if 
the whole weight of the government might rest securely 
on his broad shoulders. His large, dark eyes were full 
of expression, even in repose ; the cheeks were square 
and strong ; his dark hair and swarthy complexion 
heightened the impression of strength which his whole 
person made upon me as I saw him for the first time, 
an impression that was deepened when he rose to his feet, 
and walked the floor of the Senate-chamber. There was 
in his appearance something leonine. He was in full 
dress ; he never neglected this. When he delivered his 
great speech in reply to Hayne, it is known that he wore 
a dress-coat of dark blue cloth with gilt buttons, buS^ 
vest, and white cravat, so that, some one has said, he 
displayed the colors of the Revolution. 



CLA y AND CALHOUN. 3 

I saw Mr. Clay for the first time, and his commanding 
and striking person attracted and impressed me. He was 
unlike Mr. Webster ; his light complexion, blue eyes, and 
animated manner displayed an ardent nature — I at once 
recognized a leader among men. His appearance was 
not less intellectual than that of the other great states- 
man ; his forehead was high and finely proportioned, and 
his features expressed intellect, ardor, and courage ; his 
nose and mouth were large, and of the Roman cast. 
If Mr. Webster reminded one of the majestic aspect of 
the lion, Mr. Clay's face suggested that of the eagle — his 
eyes were brilliant and attractive. When he rose to 
speak, standing over six feet in height, spare and vigor- 
ous, his appearance was most commanding ; and certainly 
with his singularly clear, sonorous, and musical voice, that 
rose and fell with perfect cadence, one felt that never 
in ancient or modern assemblies had a greater master of 
popular thought and passion stood in the midst of men. 
He was a man of heroic mould, grand in every way, 
of vast energy, bold plans, comprehensive views, full of 
decision, and swaying men by the qualities of a great, 
generous, fearless nature. He was attentive to dress, and 
when I saw him for the first time he wore a dress-coat of 
brown broadcloth, a heavy black cravat, and the collar of 
his shirt was of the largest style, touching his ears. 

There, too, seated in the midst of his peers, was Mr. 
Calhoun. I had seen him some years previously ; when 
he was Vice-President he made a visit to the South 
Carolina College at Columbia, while I was a student in 
that renowned institution. I had observed him with 
youthful ardor, regarding him as the impersonation of 
statesmanship of the highest order. His appearance was 
not less impressive than that of the two eminent men just 
described : all were recognized as giants in that body 
where they contended for the mastery. He stood quite six 
feet in height, spare, but vigorous and erect, the imper- 



4 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

sonation of intellectual grandeur; his face was Grecian, 
the brow square, and the forehead finely developed, from 
which the thick hair was brushed upward ; the mouth 
resolute ; and the chin, in its shape and firmness giving an 
expression of purpose and determination, recalled the 
bust of Caesar ; his eyes, dark gray, were full of fire, and 
when he was animated blazed with the ardor of his great 
soul. The whole aspect of the man was that of regnant 
power. A sculptor, seeking a model for a statue rep- 
resenting dignity, intellectual power, and high purpose, 
would, without doubt, have chosen Mr. Calhoun. Mr. 
Calhoun was habitually dressed in black, and in the Sen- 
ate-chamber, at all times, wore a morning costume. 

His colleague, Mr. Preston, had barely touched the Hne 
of mature manhood ; his ruddy complexion, blue eyes, 
and auburn hair gave him the appearance of an English 
gentleman. His face beamed with animation, and there 
was an unusual grace in his attitudes ; his voice and dic- 
tion were surpassingly fine ; and, surrounded as he was in 
that body with so many men of culture and power, he 
was without a peer as an orator. His orations, like those 
of Pericles, were so brilliant that they deserved to be 
called Olympian. A fine portrait of Mr. Preston, by 
Healey, is in the Corcoran Gallery, in Washington. 

There were other senators whose appearance attracted 
my attention, as I was seated in the chamber. I give 
here only the sketch of some of the great leaders, but I 
wish in these pages to describe many of them as I became 
personally acquainted with them in later years. In con- 
versation with Mr. Preston, I found that he was quite as 
ardent in support of Mr. Clay's claims for the presidency 
as myself. 

It so happened that I travelled to Harrisburg in com- 
pany with Mr. Tyler, and I was honored by his attentions 
to me. There was an indescribable charm in his manners, 
and his conversation was fascinating. He seemed to think 



THE NATIONAL WHIG CONVENTION. 5 

that the call of the Convention was premature ; that it 
should have awaited the action of the session of Congress 
that had just opened, before selecting a candidate for the 
presidency. Mr. Tyler was confident that Mr. Calhoun 
might be induced to act with the Whigs, his hostility to 
Mr. Van Buren being well known. The task of unseating 
Mr. Van Buren and expelling his partisans from their 
intrenched position was a formidable one — but, said Mr. 
Tyler, " We must give no audience to our fears." The 
journey from York, where we took the railroad train to 
Harrisburg, was interesting ; the scenery along the banks 
of the Susquehanna was beautiful, and a bright winter 
day imparted a charm to the varied landscape. I found 
a large number of delegates assembled upon my arrival at 
Harrisburg. The morning of the next day, Wednesday, 
opened auspiciously, and the Convention assembled at 
noon in a large Presbyterian church, which had been ten- 
dered for the use of the body. The Convention organized 
by electing as its permanent president, Governor James 
Barbour, of Virginia, with several gentlemen from other 
States as vice-presidents. The choice of Governor Bar- 
bour as president was felicitous in every way, personally, 
geographically, and politically. As a presiding officer he 
was transcendently fine. In the whole course of a long 
public service I have never seen a man who could rival 
him as a presiding officer of a public assembly. His per- 
son was commanding, his presence distinguished, his 
bearing dignified and stately ; and his sonorous voice 
controlled the large body, representing such a vast and 
varied constituency, with resistless effect. He had filled 
great places, having been Governor of his State, Secretary 
of War in the Cabinet of John Quincy Adams, a senator 
from Virginia, and Envoy Extraordinary and Minister 
Plenipotentiary to England. The plan adopted by the 
Convention for the choice of a candidate for President 
and for Vice-President was original, and has been the sub- 



6 POLITICS AMD PEN PICTURES. 

ject of criticism by so eminent a statesman as Honorable 
Thomas H. Benton. But it seemed to me to possess 
great advantages, and in my judgment it might well be 
adopted for the guidance of national conventions in our 
day. Instead of proceeding to ballot in open convention, 
it was decided to refer the selection of candidates to a 
committee composed of delegates from the States repre- 
sented, not to exceed three from each State. It was the 
duty of the committee to withdraw to another hall, and 
sit as an independent body, to consider the claims of the 
several candidates, and when a satisfactory result was 
reached, to rise and report their action to the Convention 
for approval. A majority of all the delegations from the 
several States was required to secure a nomination. The 
following order was adopted by the Convention : 

" Ordered, that the delegates from each State be required to 
assemble as a delegation and appoint a committee, not ex- 
ceeding three in number, to receive the views and opinions of 
such delegation, and communicate the same to the assembled 
committees of all the delegations, to be by them respectively 
reported to their principals ; and thereupon the delegates from 
each State be required to assemble as a delegation and ballot 
for candidates for the offices of President and Vice-President, 
and having done so, to commit the ballot, designating the 
votes of each candidate, and by whom given, to its committee, 
and thereupon all the committees shall assemble and compare 
the several ballots, and report the result of the same to their 
several delegations, together with such facts as may bear upon 
the nomination ; and said delegation shall forthwith reassem- 
ble and ballot again for candidates for the above offices, and 
again commit the result to the above committees ; and if it 
shall appear that a majority of the ballots are for any one man, 
for candidate for President, said committee shall report the 
result to the Convention for its consideration ; but if there 
shall be no such majority, then the delegates shall repeat the 
balloting until such a majority shall be obtained, and then 



NOMINEES FOR THE PRESIDENCY. J 

report the same to the Convention for its consideration. The 
vote of a majority of each delegation shall be reported as the 
vote of that State ; and each State represented here shall vote 
its full electoral vote by said delegation in the Convention." 

The Committee of States raised by the above order was 
chosen, and immediately repaired to a large apartment pre- 
pared for their accommodation. They met in the after- 
noon of Wednesday and organized, adopting such rules 
as would enable the body to conform to the plan adopted 
by the Convention. I was chosen as one of the three to 
represent the State of Alabama. Soon after organizing, 
the Convention adjourned to meet at an early hour the 
next morning. I was an ardent supporter of Mr. Clay, 
and with his other friends anticipated his early nomina- 
tion. But the friends of General Harrison, led by Judge 
Burnet, of Ohio, urged his claims with great earnestness. 
The delegates from the great State of New York advo- 
cated a nomination of General Scott. After a free inter- 
change of views, we proceeded to ballot for a candidate 
for the presidency, and found ourselves unable to reach a 
result. When the hour of adjournment arrived in the 
evening neither candidate had received a majority of the 
whole number of votes cast. 

Upon reassembling the next morning, it was seen that 
the several delegations adhered to their first choice. 
Neither the friends of Mr. Clay, of General Harrison, nor 
of General Scott would yield anything. Each successive 
ballot disclosed the unswerving loyalty of the delegates 
to their favorite candidate. Toward the evening of the 
second day, it was plain that we should not be able 
to agree upon any candidate without some concession on 
the part of the friends of Mr. Clay. General Harrison 
developed great strength. Then the delegates from the 
State of New York came to the friends of Mr. Clay, and 
said to us that the nomination of that eentleman was 



8 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

hopeless, that he was supported mainly by the Southern 
representatives, who were not strong enough to achieve a 
triumph over the combined North and West ; and they 
invited us to join them in the support of General Scott. 
We declined to abandon Mr. Clay, whose qualities, we 
insisted, entitled him to the nomination. Finally, they 
said to us : " Well, we now give you Southern gentlemen 
notice that after the next ballot, if you still adhere to Mr. 
Clay, we shall give our entire vote to General Harrison, 
and end this contest." The next ballot disclosed the 
purpose of the Southern delegates to stand firmly by Mr. 
Clay. Another ballot was ordered, and it resulted in the 
choice of General Harrison, the New York delegation 
having gone over to him in a body. The result was : for 
General Scott, i6 votes; for Mr. Clay, 90 votes; for 
General Harrison, 148 votes. We immediately proceeded 
to ballot for a candidate for Vice-President. Some votes 
had been cast for a candidate while the previous bal- 
lotings were going on ; but the interest in the choice of a 
candidate for President had been so intense, as to leave 
the delegates largely uncommitted to any one for the 
second ofifice. I had, from the first, cast a vote for candi- 
dates for both offices, and had voted uniformly for Mr. 
Clay, and for Mr. Tyler, respectively. From time to 
time others had joined me in indicating our preference 
for Mr. Tyler, so that when the committee came to ballot 
for a candidate for the vice-presidency, after the choice 
of General Harrison for the presidency had been made, 
that gentleman had developed considerable strength. On 
the second ballot for Vice-President, Mr. Tyler was 
chosen by a large majority, to my great gratification, for 
I had given him his first vote. 

Some of the delegations had expressed a wish to give 
the nomination for Vice-President to Benjamin Watkins 
Leigh, who was one of the three gentlemen representing 
Virginia in our Committee, but he promptly declined 



GENERAL HARRISON NOMINATED. 9 

to be considered an aspirant, in a speech of so much 
beauty and earnestness that it charmed us all. He was 
a splendid representative of that class of Virginia gentle- 
men, who illustrated the grand commonwealth at that 
period ; a statesman of rich culture, of large attainments, 
of exalted character, of winning eloquence, and fasci- 
nating manners. 

The committee rose, and proceeding to the hall, where 
the Convention was in session, reported the result ; nam- 
ing as candidate for President, William Henry Harrison, 
of Ohio ; for Vice-President, John Tyler, of Virginia. 
There was an outburst of applause ; the sonorous voice 
of Governor Barbour, as he uttered the word " Order," 
instantly stilled the assemblage. A motion was imme- 
diately made to adjourn until 9 o'clock the next morning, 
which was carried unanimously, and the Convention rose 
with enthusiastic cheers. 

The adjournment was timely ; it enabled us to consider, 
outside of the body, the report of the Committee of 
States, before a single remark in regard to it had been 
made in the Convention. The greatest excitement pre- 
vailed ; the delegates from the Southern States were not 
only disappointed at the defeat of Mr. Clay, but they 
believed that the nomination of General Harrison would 
result in the rout of the Whig party ; that not a single 
Southern State would give its support to the ticket. 
General Harrison's sentiments were understood to be hos- 
tile to slavery ; he had not taken an active part in public 
affairs for some years ; but while his eminent services as a 
soldier were well known, and the greatest respect was felt 
for his character throughout the country, it was supposed 
that he had sympathized with those who favored emanci- 
pation in Virginia, his native State, some years previously. 
Of illustrious revolutionary lineage, he belonged to a 
.school of statesmen who, while loyal to the South, enter- 
tained views of the government that were called National, 



lO POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

in contradistinction to those of others who advocated 
the doctrine of State-rights. He had been for years a 
resident of Ohio, a State that already exhibited a ten- 
dency to encourage the growth of free-soil ideas. In the 
course of the night the policy of adopting the report 
of the Committee of States was warmly discussed : some 
of the Southern delegates were ready to reject the nomi- 
nation of General Harrison, and to give the vote of the 
Convention to General Scott. It was understood that 
the New York delegation would co-operate in that plan, 
and it found supporters elsewhere. The discussion 
awakened the deepest interest, and I heard the views of 
the friends of the several candidates expressed with the 
strongest desire to discover some course that would 
relieve the party from the disaster that seemed to 
threaten it. 

Before breakfast the next morning I called on Governor 
Barbour, and conversed with him on the subject. He ad- 
vised that we should adopt the report of the committee, 
and give the unanimous vote of the Convention to Gen- 
eral Harrison and Mr. Tyler. He believed that we should 
be defeated in the coming contest, and our only hope of 
success was to adhere with courage to the candidates pre- 
sented to the Convention by the Committee of States. 

" No," said Governor Barbour, '' it will not do, Mr. 
Hilliard, to reject General Harrison now; the people 
would not understand how he failed to be nominated after 
he had been chosen upon full deliberation by the States 
in the Convention ; just as they did not understand why 
General Jackson failed to be elected by the House of 
Representatives, after having obtained the highest vote in 
the electoral college. We shall be defeated, in all proba- 
bility, but we must stand it. It reminds me of what 
occurred in the course of my practice : one day a fellow 
came to me when I was standing with a group of lawyers, 
in the court-house, and said he wished to speak with me. 
I walked off with him, and he asked me if I remembered 



ENTHUSIASM FOR GENERAL HARRISON. II 

that some years before he had employed me to defend him 
when he was charged with stealing a pair of shoes, and 
upon my replying that I did, he went on to say, that the 
taking of that pair of shoes was the worst job of his life ; 
that he did not keep them a week ; they put him in jail ; 
he had given me the only horse he had to defend him ; 
lost his crop ; and, ' By George, squire,' he said, ' they 
gave me nine and thirty lashes at last ; I tell you, squire, 
it was a bad speculation.' There is not much hope for us ; 
we shall have to take the thrashing after all our trouble." 
Greatly amused and instructed, I was convinced by Gov- 
ernor Barbour's counsel. 

Upon the assembling of the Convention, a motion to 
adopt the report of the Committee of States was imme- 
diately made. It was supported by delegates from State 
after State ; eloquent speeches were delivered in behalf of 
the candidates, a flame of enthusiasm spread through the 
vast assemblage, and I was in full sympathy with it, and 
speaking for Alabama I pledged the Whigs of the State to 
an unqualified support of the ticket. In the evening 
Harrisburg was illuminated ; crowds of enthusiastic people 
filled the streets cheering, while a band of music played 
the national airs in front of a public building, where a 
flag was displayed bearing a portrait of General Harrison, 
in full uniform, surrounded by the insignia of war. As I 
stood and saw the flag floating in the evening breeze, I 
caught the inspiration of coming victory ; I recognized in 
the heroic face of General Harrison a leader who would 
be followed by a great and generous people, who would 
bear his standard with resistless ardor to a splendid 
triumph. From that hour, throughout the wonderful 
canvass that followed, I never swerved from his support, 
and never lost heart. Young, ardent, and fearless, with 
full faith in the Whig cause, I did not believe defeat pos- 
sible. It seemed to me that the opening campaign would 
be like that of Napoleon's, when he led his resistless 
troops from the summit of the Alps into the plains of Italy. 



CHAPTER II. 



The canvass of 1840 — Mr. Van Buren's administration — Financial policy — 
Personal qualities — General William Henry Harrison — John Tyler — 
The Whig plan of the canvass — Great popular meetings — Leading states- 
men on the hustings — Unparalleled enthusiasm. 

Leaving Harrisburg, I returned to Washington. I 
found the leading Whigs, not only expressing in strong 
terms their regret at Mr. Clay's defeat, but, like Governor 
Barbour, looking for defeat under the lead of General 
Harrison. Mr. Clay was indignant ; I explained to him 
the efforts that had been made by his friends to give him 
the nomination at Harrisburg, but he did not attempt to 
repress his deep chagrin ; this was but a natural outburst 
of his ardent temperament, at what seemed to him the 
disloyalty of his friends. Later, however, his nobler quali- 
ties triumphed, and he expressed his purpose to give his 
energetic support to the Whig cause. Mr. Preston gener- 
ously decided promptly to accept the nomination ; he 
thought well of General Harrison, and he entertained a 
warm regard for Mr. Tyler. Mr. Preston took me to call 
on General Scott ; he had known him for years, and felt 
for him a sincere friendship, and he wished me to know 
him too, as a coming man. General Scott spoke of affairs 
without reserve, and felt that we had committed a great 
blunder, but his temper was admirable. We were much 
amused when, on taking leave. General Scott conducted 
us to the hall of his house, and said, rising to the full 
height of his majestic person, " I could have been elected 



VAN BU REN'S ADMINISTRATION. 1 3 

as easily as I could walk down these stairs." Mr. Preston 
laughed heartily, and we descended the stairs. 

Mr. Van Buren's administration had not given satisfac- 
tion to the country ; it was beset with troubles. The 
successor of General Jackson, he found himself sur- 
rounded by difficult and perilous problems, which the 
late President, with all his heroic qualities, with the aid 
of friends as loyal as ever followed a leader, had not been 
able to solve. The great battle with the Bank of the 
United States had shaken the foundations of the busi- 
ness of the country, and recalled the truth of the remark 
of the Duke of Wellington — " Next to a great defeat, the 
greatest disaster is a great victory." Arrayed against Mr. 
Van Buren were the most formidable enemies : the Bank 
of the United States, making a powerful struggle for a 
new national charter in the effort to elect a president 
friendly to it ; aided by the suspended banks in all the 
States ; and the large and influential merchants who be- 
lieved that the sub-treasury scheme and the hard-money 
policy of the administration would destroy the commer- 
cial prosperity of the country. A battle-cry in contests 
under constitutional governments where an appeal is made 
to the people is of the utmost importance, and, unhappily 
for Mr. Van Buren, he had given one to the Whigs, which 
was easily comprehended and uttered by leading Whig 
statesmen, and reproduced by the press of the party 
throughout the country. He had said in one of his 
messages to Congress that it was the duty of the govern- 
ment to provide a special currency for its own use, and 
the people of the country must supply a financial system 
for carrying on their business. He insisted that there 
should be a clear separation between the money of the 
government and the money of the people. That was 
enough ; it ranged the friends of a liberal commercial 
system, which required an ample currency, against an ad- 
ministration that proposed to lock the revenue of the 



14 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

government in its own vaults, giving it no circulation for 
the benefit of the people. The plan was denounced as 
unsound as a financial policy, and as an attempt to inaugu- 
rate a system which conducted the government for its 
own advantage in the spirit of a monarchy, without sym- 
pathy for the people or regard for their interests. From 
the Senate-chamber to every platform in the land the 
policy of Mr. Van Buren was denounced with the utmost 
vehemence. The idea of providing a currency for the use 
of the government, and leaving the people to supply one 
for themselves, was declared to be an abandonment of 
one of the most important functions of an administra- 
tion ; it was insisted that the ruin of the business of the 
country was inevitable. For once capital and labor co- 
operated in their energetic and powerful effort to avert 
an impending disaster. Mr. Webster, in Wall Street, on 
the 28th of September, 1840, spoke at the merchants' 
meeting in behalf of the Whig policy, in contrast to that 
of Mr. Van Buren's administration, and said : 

" I hold the opinion that a mixed currency, composed partly 
of gold and silver and partly of good paper redeemable, and 
steadily redeemed in specie on demand, is the most useful and 
convenient for such a country as we inhabit, and is sure to 
continue to be used to a greater or less extent in these United 
States ; the idea of an exclusive, metallic currency, being 
either the mere fancy of theorists, or, what is nearer the truth, 
being employed as a means of popular delusion." 

This authentic utterance from the great statesman, who 
was the grandest representative of the Whig party, was 
received throughout the country as a clear and compre- 
hensive proposition in regard to the financial system of 
the United States, entitled to as much consideration as 
if it had been pronounced by Alexander Hamilton. It 
sometimes happens in great political contests that a 
single phrase, indiscreetly uttered, decides the fortunes of 
a party. Unhappily for Mr. Van Buren, the editor of a 



GENERAL HARRISON AND HIS LOG-CABIN. 15 

Democratic paper, soon after the nomination of General 
Harrison, ventured to ridicule the leader chosen by the 
Whig party to conduct it to victory. He said that Gen- 
eral Harrison was harmless, and that, " if supplied with a 
barrel of hard cider and a good sea-coal fire, he would be 
content to pass the remainder of his days in his log-cabin, 
without aspiring to the presidency." Never in the history 
of political parties was a more momentous paragraph writ- 
ten ; it was caught up instantly by the leaders of the Whig 
party all over the country. Mr. Van Buren was repre- 
sented as rolling in splendor and luxury, enjoying the 
emoluments of his great office, while his partisans dared 
to ridicule the grand old soldier, who lived in retirement 
upon his humble means. All over the country log-cabins 
were constructed, and they were to be seen in villages, 
towns, and cities, adorned with the emblems of pioneer 
life — coon-skins, strings of red pepper, the simple gourd, 
and the rude door with the latch-string on the outside. 
Some of these structures were ample enough to accom- 
modate large numbers of people, and were the head- 
quarters for party gatherings ; others were small, and, 
placed on wheels, were driven from place to place, some- 
times to distant points to suit the exigencies of party 
tactics. The conspicuous object of all was a raccoon, 
living, active, a recognized member of the party, often 
placed on the platform where the speaker stood to address 
the people. I remember on one occasion, at a Whig 
meeting in Montgomery, Alabama, a most felicitous ap- 
peal was made by a gentleman addressing a listening 
crowd, when a large raccoon was thrown on the table in 
front of the speaker. He said : " That was an object to 
strike terror into the Democratic ranks ; a leader of that 
party, if present, would have exclaimed with Macbeth : 

" ' What man dare, I dare : 

Approach thou like the rugged Russian bear, 
The arm'd rhinoceros, or the Hyrcan tiger ; 

Take any shape but that, and my firm nerves 
Shall never tremble. ' " 



l6 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

The personal qualities of Mr. Van Buren were not such 
as to endear him to the people ; his great abilities and 
large attainments fitted him for the successful administra- 
tion of public affairs, his fine presence and engaging man- 
ners gave him a controlling influence ; but the people 
never warmed towards him, they distrusted his earnest- 
ness, and there was a general belief that he was given to 
intrigue. He owed his elevation to the presidency to the 
commanding influence of General Jackson. It was under- 
stood that he had broken the friendly relations, previously 
existing, between General Jackson and Mr. Calhoun. Mr. 
Van Buren was a friend of Mr. William Henry Crawford, 
of Georgia, who had been a member of Mr. Monroe's 
Cabinet, while Mr. Calhoun was Secretary of War. An 
estrangement had long existed between General Jackson 
and Mr. Crawford, but through the intervention of Mr. 
Van Buren a reconciliation was brought about, and the 
hostility of General Jackson was transferred to Mr. Cal- 
houn. General Jackson's friendships were warm, and his 
resentments unrelenting ; this extraordinary man exerted 
a more powerful influence over the political affairs of the 
country than any one had acquired since the organization 
of the government. He had ended his official career and 
retired to the " Hermitage " before my visit to Washing- 
ton, but I had seen him at an earlier period. While a 
student of law, in Columbia, South Carolina, not yet of 
age, I had been engaged to take charge of important law 
papers, and travelled to Nashville, Tenn., to place them 
in the hands of trustworthy counsel for adjustment. I 
made the journey alone, over mountains and through 
wildernesses, with my good horse and sulky, and reached 
Nashville safely. I took letters of introduction to General 
Jackson, and other eminent men. The day after my 
arrival I was standing in front of the Nashville Inn, where 
I lodged, and I observed in the door of a wing of the 
hotel a gentleman whose person arrested my attention ; 



A VISIT TO GENERAL JACKSON. 1/ 

he was stately and erect, handsomely dressed in black, 
without his hat, a pair of gold-framed glasses thrown up 
on his stiff, grayish hair, and a similar pair resting upon 
his nose, I felt at once that I stood in the presence of 
General Jackson. Advancing, I made myself known to 
him ; he received me with a frank cordiality that charmed 
me ; I had expected to meet a blunt soldier, but I found in 
General Jackson a gentleman of courtly manners, whose 
bearing I had never seen excelled in my whole intercourse 
with public men at home or abroad. During my stay in 
Nashville, General Jackson treated me with consideration 
and kindness, and I passed a night at the " Hermitage." 
This occurred but a few months before his elevation to 
the presidency. To this man Mr. Van Buren was indebted 
for his elevation to the envied office to which he had so 
long aspired, and which many believed he had won by 
arts better suited to the talents of Richelieu than to the 
frank and manly qualities of an American statesman. 
Against this able, adroit, and accomplished statesman, 
intrenched in power, the Whigs brought into the field 
General William Henry Harrison, a gentleman of spotless 
integrity, unaccustomed to the stratagems of politicians, 
who had won his laurels in the open field many years 
previously, and was now living in honorable retirement in 
his humble home on the banks of the Ohio. The con- 
trast between the men was very striking ; it was almost 
dramatic. As the canvass advanced, a sentiment lying 
deep in the heart of the American people was roused, 
which flamed up into enthusiasm, in behalf of the self- 
exiled hero who, like Cincinnatus, cultivated the soil, away 
from the pomp and emoluments of imperial power. 

The name of John Tyler had a charm for the Southern 
people. He had sat as a senator, representing Virginia, 
when General Jackson ruled at Washington. Confronting 
the imposing authority of that imperious man, stood Mr. 
Calhoun, speaking for South Carolina. That illustrious 



1 8 POLiriCS AND PEN PICTURES. 

Statesman rose into proportions of the highest grandeur 
in resisting a national pohcy which he regarded as uncon- 
stitutional, and meeting the threatening display of the 
power of the government wielded by General Jackson. 
When the " Force Bill " was before the Senate, the meas- 
ure was opposed by Southern senators, who denounced it 
in vehement terms. Mr. Tyler displayed the highest 
patriotic ardor and statesman-like courage in his efforts 
to defeat it. His single vote stands recorded against the 
measure, other Southern senators having withdrawn from 
the Senate-chamber. I have already described Mr, Tyler, 
and have recorded the impression which he made on me 
at our first meeting ; but it is proper to say something 
more at length of him as he stood before the country, a 
chosen candidate of the Whig party for the vice-presi- 
dency. Mr. Tyler's high rank among statesmen of Vir- 
ginia gave him consideration before the meeting of the 
Harrisburg Convention, and after his nomination he 
advanced rapidly in public favor. His personal appear- 
ance was very attractive : six feet in height, spare and 
active, his movements displayed a natural grace, and his 
manner was cordial but dignified. His head was fine, the 
forehead high and well developed, the aquiline nose and 
brilliant eyes giving to his expression the eagle aspect, 
which distinguished him at all times, and especially in 
conversation. His frankness imparted an indescribable 
charm to his manners, and the rich treasure of his culti- 
vated mind displayed itself without effort or ostentation 
in the Senate-chamber, and in conversation he surpassed 
even Mr. Calhoun. His loyalty to his friends was as true 
as that of General Jackson's ; his integrity and his courage 
were conspicuous qualities, often exhibited in the course 
of his public career. In his freedom from stratagem, and 
the unreserve of his expressions in regard to political 
questions, he was as open as the day. It was understood 
that Mr. Van Buren had said to a friend he would any 



THE CONVENTION AT TUSCALOOSA. 1 9 

day ride one hundred miles to meet a person with whom 
he desired to confer on politics, rather than communicate 
with him by a letter. Mr. Tyler was as bold as Mr. Clay 
in making his opinions known in regard to measures 
affecting the administration of the government. 

The Whigs opened the campaign by a vigorous assault 
upon Mr. Van Buren's administration ; public meetings 
were held throughout the country to ratify the nomina- 
tions made at Harrisburg. Upon my return to Alabama 
the Whig leaders decided to call a convention to assemble 
at Tuscaloosa, at that time the capital of the State. It 
was largely attended, and the ardor of the people was dis- 
played as it never had been before in Alabama. Delegations 
came from the remote counties, some of them bringing 
with them log-cabins on wheels drawn by fine horses, and 
displaying the symbols of pioneer structures : the gourd, 
the string of red pepper, a barrel of cider, the latch-string 
of the door conspicuously hung on the outside, and the 
raccoon. A committee was chosen to receive the delega- 
tion from Dallas County ; and the chairman, drawing up 
his escort in front of the log-cabin, welcomed the new 
arrivals, saying : " We rejoice to see you ; we stand in the 
Pass of Thermopylae." The eloquent Murphy, a man of 
the highest order of intellect and character, a leading law- 
yer in the State, replying for the delegation, said : " We 
know that we hold the Pass of Thermopylae, and we have 
brought you Spartans to defend it." An address was 
prepared and issued to the people of the State. An elec- 
toral ticket was appointed, upon which my name was 
placed for the Montgomery Congressional district. Judge 
Hopkins, of Mobile, ex-Governor Gayle, General George 
W. Crabb, and other leading men were named as electors 
for other parts of the State. The convention, after a 
session of several days, adjourned, the delegates bearing 
with them the ardor awakened at the meeting to all parts 
of the State. 



20 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

One of the greatest popular assemblages ever known in 
the South was held at Macon, Georgia ; it was attended 
by many thousands, a large number coming from other 
States to take part in the grand Whig demonstration. 
Senator Berrien of Georgia presided, and Senator Pres- 
ton of South Carolina with others addressed the vast 
multitude. Mr. Preston at that time was absolutely 
unrivalled as an orator ; as he stood on the hustings, 
in the presence of the people, in his majestic proportions, 
denouncing an administration intrenched in power, his 
voice rising, at times, into tones of vehement passion, he 
recalled the description of Demosthenes : 

"Who 
Shook the arsenal, 
And fuhnin'd o'er Greece." 

The political excitement pervaded the Union, and im- 
mense meetings were held throughout the country. They 
were animated beyond description, and were addressed by 
the ablest men. 

Mr. Webster, in August, addressed a vast assemblage at 
Saratoga ; crowded vehicles from the neighboring towns 
and surrounding country arrived at an early hour, and the 
railway trains brought vast multitudes. In a grove of 
pines, without undergrowth, some ten thousand persons 
were collected, and near the platform where Mr. Webster 
stood seats were provided for as many more ; ladies were 
out in great numbers. 

A great meeting was held on Bunker Hill, in Novem- 
ber, 1840; the enthusiasm was unparalleled ; a procession 
four miles in length, with banners and music, marched 
to the appointed place. Fifty barouches and carriages 
moved in the line containing Revolutionary soldiers, 
gentlemen of distinction from other States, and invited 
guests. Mr. Webster delivered a great speech, setting 
forth at length Whig principles and purposes. 



WEBSTER'S GREAT SPEECH AT RICHMOND. 21 

Mr. Webster addressed a Whig convention at Rich- 
mond, on the 5th of October, standing in the Capitol 
Square, and delivered one of the greatest speeches of his 
life. There on that spot, standing under an " October 
sun," he vindicated the principles of free government. 
" It is an era in my life," he said, *' to find myself on the 
soil of Virginia, addressing such an assemblage as is now 
before me ; I feel it to be such, I deeply feel the responsi- 
bility of the part which has this day been thrown upon 
me. Although it is the first time I have addressed 
an assembly of my fellow-citizens upon the soil of Vir- 
ginia, I hope I am not altogether unacquainted with the 
history, character, and sentiments of this venerable State. 
The topics which are now agitating the country, and 
which have brought us all here to-day, have no relation 
whatever with those on which I differ from the opinions 
she has ever entertained. The grievances and misgovern- 
ments which have roused the country pertain to that class 
of subjects which especially and peculiarly belong to Vir- 
ginia, and have from the beginning of our history." 

A pleasing incident of Mr. Webster's visit to Richmond, 
and which illustrates the spirit of the canvass of 1840, 
was an assemblage of the ladies of the city in the " Log- 
Cabin " where he addressed them collectively, in a brief 
and appropriate speech. Mr. Legare of South Carolina, 
Mr. Wise of Virginia, and other eminent men addressed 
vast multitudes assembled at different points in the sev- 
eral States, In reply to the invitation to address a 
meeting in Montgomery, Alabama, in the fall of 1840, 
Honorable Henry A. Wise, excusing himself from per- 
sonal attendance, wrote a characteristic letter, giving as a 
toast for the occasion " The Light of the Log-Cabin." 

As the canvass advanced, the enthusiasm of the people 
rose still higher, and the light of a coming victory for 
the Whig party began to illumine their banners. At 
one of the great assemblages, addressing the people, I 



22 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

ventured to assure them of our complete triumph, and 
said : 

" We are on the eve of victory ; throughout the whole field 
we hear the sound of preparation for to-morrow's battle ; 
armorers are busy closing rivets up ; if we could look in 
upon the tent of the leader of the opposing host, we should 
see him tossed upon a restless couch, disturbed with dreams 
of impending defeat ; he sees the lights burn blue, and on the 
stricken field we shall hear him exclaim like Richard, at 
Bosworth, 

" ' A horse ! a horse ! my kingdom for a horse ! ' " 

The result was a splendid fulfilment of our ardent an- 
ticipations. Out of two hundred and ninety-four electoral 
votes, Mr. Van Buren received but sixty; out of twenty- 
six States he received the votes of only seven. 

General Harrison and Mr. Tyler, nominated at Harris- 
burg for President and Vice-President, were triumphantly 
elected. 




CHAPTER III. 



Inauguration of President Harrison — Death — Accession of Mr. Tyler — Mis- 
sion to Belgium — Washington — New York — The Ocean — The Voyage 
— Arrival at Liverpool — High-Sheriff's Coach — Judge Maule. 

General Harrison's inauguration was most impres- 
sive. Standing on the grand eastern portico of the Capitol, 
in front of which an immense concourse of the people, from 
all parts of the country, awaited the appearance of the 
new President, he delivered his inaugural address with 
animation, the tones of his voice reaching the farthest 
limits of the audience. In the language of an eminent 
senator : " It breathed a spirit of patriotism, which ad- 
versaries, as well as friends, admitted to be sincere and to 
come from the heart." Then the Chief-Justice of the 
Supreme Court of the United States, Mr. Taney, admin- 
istered the oath prescribed by the Constitution, and the 
new administration was opened. The President promptly 
sent to the Senate the names of the gentlemen chosen 
for his Cabinet, and the nominations were all unanimously 
confirmed. They were : Daniel Webster, Secretary of 
State ; Thomas Ewing, Secretary of the Treasury ; John 
Bell, Secretary at War ; George E. Badger, Secretary 
of the Navy ; Francis Granger, Postmaster-General ; 
John J. Crittenden, Attorney-General. This organi- 
zation of the Cabinet, composed of illustrious statesmen, 
was received by the country with the greatest satisfac- 
tion ; it seemed that the light of a new day had risen 
upon the nation. On the 17th of March the President 

23 



24 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

issued a proclamation convoking the Congress in extra- 
ordinary session for the 31st of May. Towards the close 
of March the President was suddenly taken ill. There 
had been no decline in his health or strength, but on 
the 4th of April, one month from the day of his accession 
to power, General Harrison expired. He had not yet 
attained the age of seventy years ; but within a month 
from the day when he stood in strength on the eastern 
portico of the Capitol before assembled thousands, the 
President lay dead in the White House. The old eagle 
had soared to the sun to die. The assembled Cabinet 
announced the death of the President to Mr. Tyler, the 
Vice-President, who was at his residence in Virginia, and 
invited him to come to Washington and enter upon his 
new duties. Mr. Tyler immediately proceeded to Wash- 
ington, and upon his arrival was invested with the author- 
ity of President of the United States, in accordance 
with the forms of the Constitution. He assumed the high 
of^ce with manly dignity, and the government proceeded 
on its course without the slightest disturbance in any of 
its departments. The event was impressive ; it was the 
first time of its occurrence since the organization of that 
great and complex system — the Government of the 
United States. 

Visiting Washington in June, I found Congress in 
session ; the signs of anarchy in the Whig party were 
clearly visible. Mr. Clay, the real leader of the party, 
disclosed his purpose to compel the President to accept 
the measures which, as a senator, he dictated, without 
the slightest regard to Mr. Tyler's antecedents as a 
statesman. Imperious, unsparing in his denunciation of 
any one who faltered in support of his plans for the gov- 
ernment of the country, he presented a grand spectacle. 
But Mr. Tyler, with equal firmness, declined to submit 
to the dictation of the illustrious senator. My friend, 
Mr. Preston, knew that I desired to fill a diplomatic 



TENDERED THE MISSION TO PORTUGAL. 25 

position in Europe ; before Mr. Tyler's accession to the 
presidency he had expressed his wish to see me appointed 
to the mission to Belgium. The Honorable Virgil Maxcy 
of Maryland had held the place under the administration 
of Mr. Van Buren, and was regarded with favor by Mr. 
Webster. It was understood that he was to come home, 
but the precise date of his resignation had not been 
fixed. So, during my stay in Washington, observing 
public affairs, Mr. Preston said to me that the Whig 
party, as represented in Congress, was about to go to 
pieces, and that he was authorized by the Secretary of 
State to tender to me the mission to Portugal ; Mr. 
Preston said that Mr. Webster had assured him that if I 
would consent to accept the mission to Portugal, my 
nomination should be made the next day, and he added 
that if I desired to go to Europe he felt it to be his duty 
as my friend to advise me to accept that mission. I 
replied, that while I desired to go abroad, I was not 
willing to go to any place not perfectly agreeable to me, 
and if I accepted ofifice under the administration it must 
be upon terms that would not, to any extent, lessen my 
sense of self-respect. Mr. Preston commended my senti- 
ments, but still advised me to have an interview with Mr, 
Webster. The next day I made a call on Mr. Webster 
at the Department of State, and was received by the 
Secretary with marked kindness. He stated his reasons 
for speaking to my friend, Mr. Preston, in regard to me, 
and said that General Barrow of Tennessee wished to be 
appointed to the mission to Portugal, but that he would 
inform him of the purpose of the administration to send 
me to Lisbon, if I would consent to take the place, I 
replied to Mr. Webster as I had to Mr. Preston, and said 
that, while I was sensible of the honor conferred on me 
by this mark of confidence, I was not willing to accept 
the mission to Portugal. Mr, Webster advised me to 
see the President, and leaving the Department of State, I 



26 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

walked to the Executive Mansion, and was promptly 
received by Mr. Tyler. I stated what had been said to 
me by Mr. Preston, and later by Mr. Webster. The 
President assured me with perfect frankness that if I 
would consent to go to Portugal, my name should be sent 
to the Senate immediately ; but, he added : " If you are 
willing to wait, Mr. Milliard, for a short time, you shall 
be appointed to the mission to Belgium." I repHed, 
thanking the President in warm terms for his confidence 
and kindness, and added : " I will wait, Mr. President, 
for the mission to Belgium." 

Returning to Montgomery, I gave attention to my law 
practice, which was remunerative. Some time after the 
opening of the session of the Congress in December the 
President, in a friendly letter, proposed, if it should 
be agreeable to me, to nominate me to the mission to 
Holland. I replied promptly, and stated to the President 
that I adhered to the purpose, previously made known to 
him, to wait for the appointment to Belgium, and that the 
mission to Holland would not be agreeable to me. 

Mr. Maxcy continued to reside in Brussels, awaiting the 
appointment of his successor. Early in May the Presi- 
dent sent to the Senate a message, communicating my 
appointment to the mission to Belgium. I have before 
me a letter from my friend, Mr. Preston, informing me of 
the result of my nomination, received by due course of 
mail. I transcribe it verbatim : 

" Senate Chamber, 
' ' Monday 9, May 42. 

" 1-2 3 o'clock. 

" Dear Milliard : — 

" You are this moment confirmed. 

" Yours, 

" Wm. C. Preston. 

" Mr. HlLLIARD." 



ACCEPTANCE OF MISSION TO BELGIUM. 2/ 

My appointment was officially announced in The Na- 
tional Intelligencer, but I did not receive a formal notifica- 
tion of it from the Department of State. I was engaged 
in a large law practice, and did not suspend it while I set 
about making ready for my departure for Europe ; some 
weeks elapsed before I completed my preparations for 
leaving home. I decided to go to Brussels unaccompanied 
by my family and make arrangements for their reception. 
It was not before the last days of June that I found myself 
ready to leave Montgomery and proceed to Washington. 
Meanwhile I received letters from gentlemen in Washing- 
ton informing me that it was rumored I did not intend to 
accept my appointment to Belgium, and asking to be 
satisfied as to that question by some direct assurance 
from myself. I replied, stating that I had never hesitated 
as to my acceptance of the mission, but that some delay 
had occurred in completing my home arrangements. 

I received a letter from the President, of the kindest 
tone, referring to the rumor of my purpose to decline the 
appointment, urging its acceptance, and assuring me that 
the mission to Belgium had been from the first at my 
" unqualified disposal." I replied promptly, assuring the 
President of my appreciation of his confidence, and in- 
forming him of my purpose to proceed immediately to 
Washington. I was received at Washington by the Presi- 
dent with great cordiality ; I arrived on Saturday, and in 
the afternoon walked in the gardens surrounding the 
White House. I found a great number of visitors enjoy- 
ing the fine day and attracted by the music rendered by 
the marine band. As I passed near the portico in the 
rear of the mansion I observed the President seated there 
with a group of gentlemen ; he recognized me and, rising, 
invited me to join him, saying, as he extended his hand 
to me : " I began to fear that I should never see you 
again." I explained that some delay had occurred in my 
leaving home, and assured the President of the happiness 



28 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

it afforded me to meet him once more. The President 
presented me to the gentlemen about him, and I passed a 
half hour in delightful conversation. 

Mr. Preston was unremitting in his attentions, and taking 
me in his carriage, we drove to several places where he 
thought it proper that I should call. Lord Ashburton 
had recently come from England on a special mission to 
the United States and had taken the splendid mansion of 
Mr. Matthew St. Clair Clarke, one of the finest residences 
in Washington, opposite the White House, where he 
lived in a style suited to his rank. We drove to his resi- 
dence, and Mr. Preston presented me to Lord Ashburton, 
saying that I was about to proceed to Brussels, having 
been appointed to the mission to Belgium by the Presi- 
dent. Lord Ashburton treated me with consideration, 
and spoke of the King of the Belgians in a way that in- 
terested me, saying that, after having been invited to ac- 
cept the crown, he had vindicated the choice of the Belgian 
people by maintaining his claim to power on the battle- 
field. Lord Ashburton's manners Avere engaging, and he 
made himself very agreeable to me, evidently disposed to 
show marked kindness to one so much younger than him- 
self just about to enter the diplomatic service. We then 
called on Mr. Webster ; he had taken the house near 
that of Lord Ashburton's, the splendid residence of that 
noble philanthropist, Mr. Corcoran, and which had been 
fitted up for the Secretary of State in a style of elegance 
suited to the position and tastes of that eminent states- 
man. We were shown into Mr. Webster's library, where 
we found him surrounded with books and papers, which 
attested that he was engaged in some great task. He 
looked careworn ; not only did his face bear traces of 
deep and anxious thought, but his frame seemed bowed 
down under a weight of responsibility that would have 
crushed the shoulders of Saturn. He received Mr. Pres- 
ton and myself in the most gracious way, and heightened 



PRESENTED TO MRS. MADISON. 29 

my interest in him by the display of his great powers, 
with rare frankness in speaking of the negotiations in 
which he was then engaged with Lord Ashburton. We 
took leave of Mr. Webster, and, as we descended the stair- 
way, Mr. Preston said to me: " He will not live to see the 
1st of January." 

" Now," said Mr. Preston, " I wish to present you to 
Mrs. Madison ; she is a glory." Mrs. Madison resided in 
a house fronting Lafayette Square, in the immediate 
neighborhood of the White House, and, as the widow of 
President Madison, attracted the regards of every one, 
while in her person and style of living she brought to us 
the memories of that period when, as Mistress of the 
White House, she reigned supreme in the realm of the 
society of the capital. She honored me with her kindest 
regards, and I felt in taking leave of her that I should 
bear with me to Europe the vivid memory of the best 
days of the republic. 

Mr. Preston had given me a letter of introduction 
to Mr. Curtis, Collector of the Port of New York, and 
when I presented it he politely suggested that it might 
be interesting to me to visit the Brooklyn Navy Yard. 
I was accompanied by a young relative, Mr. Marcellus 
Stanley of Georgia, who had just graduated at the 
Randolph Macon College, Virginia, and at his request I 
arranged that he should accompany me to Europe. Mr. 
Curtis put his boat at my service, and sent a young 
gentleman with us with a note of introduction to Com- 
modore Perry, who was at that time in command of the 
station. After a brief visit the Commodore suggested 
that I should visit the North Carolina and the Mississippi, 
then at anchor in the bay, and said that it might interest 
me to visit the Warspite, of the British navy, which had 
brought over Lord Ashburton. I found that the Com- 
modore had dismissed Mr. Curtis' boat, and he put his 
own gig at my service, in command of a young officer of 



30 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

the navy. I was received on board of the North Carolina 
with consideration, and after a short visit the ofificer in 
command dismissed the boat which had brought me to 
the ship and put his own gig at my service, instructing 
the young Heutenant in command to escort me to the 
Warspitc and to the Mississippi. Sir John Hay, a distin- 
guished ofificer of the British navy, and who had lost an 
arm in the service, received me on board the Warspite ; 
he had brought Lord Ashburton to our country, and was 
awaiting his commands. Sir John, with marked courtesy, 
showed me through the ship, and when I had taken leave 
paid me the compliment of a salute from his guns. My 
visit to the Mississippi interested me ; it was the first 
steamship built for our navy that I had seen, and upon 
leaving it also I was honored with a salute. Returning to 
the North Carolina I found a number of visitors on board, 
among them Honorable Walter T. Colquitt, a senator 
from Georgia, and a party of ladies, attracted to the ship 
to see one of our largest armed vessels ; the evening was 
beautiful, and the view was charming. Thanking the 
Commodore for his courtesy, I took leave, and, to my 
surprise, was saluted by his guns as my boat drew away 
from the grand ship. 

When I set out to visit the several ships, I did not 
anticipate anything more than an interesting inspection 
of them, but the young officer sent with me by Com- 
modore Perry had made known my diplomatic rank, and 
I was honored accordingly. I had taken rooms at the 
American Hotel, presided over in magnificent style by 
Cozzens, who afterwards established a fine house at West 
Point. The next day was Sunday, and I attended divine 
service at the Episcopal Church of the Rev. Dr. Hawks, 
so distinguished for his eloquence and for the beauty and 
richness of his discourses. I was accompanied by Mr. 
Stanley, and we were both impressed by hearing read a 
request for the prayers of the church in behalf of two 



THE VOYAGE TO LIVERPOOL. 3 1 

gentlemen " about to go to sea." We were about to sail 
the next day, and the coincidence, while it was a surprise 
to us, was very pleasing. We sailed for Liverpool the 
next day, Monday, July 25th, in the noble packet-ship, 
Roscius of the Collins line. 

Washington Irving, in writing of a voyage to Europe 
before the day of ocean steamships, and when the sails 
were spread that the winds might drive the good ship 
through the waves, describes the sensations that a pas- 
senger leaving home experiences. 

" To an American visiting Europe, the long voyage that he 
has to make is an excellent preparative. The temporary ab- 
sence of worldly scenes and employments produces a state of 
mind peculiarly fitted to receive nQVf and vivid impressions. 
The vast space of waters that separates the hemispheres is like 
a blank page in existence. There is no gradual transition by 
which, as in Europe, the features and population of one 
country blend almost imperceptibly with those of another. 
From the moment you lose sight of the land you have left, all 
is vacancy, until you step on the opposite shore and are 
launched at once into the bustle and novelties of another 
world." 

The ocean was to me an object of unfailing interest ; 
its vastness, its solitude, its ever heaving bosom recalled 
Byron's lines : 

" Thou glorious mirror, where the Almighty's form 
Glasses itself in tempests ; in all time, 
Calm or convulsed — in breeze, or gale, or storm. 
Icing the pole, or in the torrid clime 
Dark -heaving ; — boundless, endless, and sublime — 
The image of Eternity — the throne 
Of the invisible." 

The voyage was remarkable ; we had neither storm nor 
calm, but a favoring wind bore us on our way so prosper- 
ously that the topmast sails were never furled from the 
hour of our departure to that of our artival. We made 



32 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

the passage in less then seventeen days. As we caught 
the first sight of land, the coast of Ireland, we were all 
delighted ; we could trace on the hills, back of the bold 
cliffs the outlines of buildings, some of them resembling 
the ruins of old castles. When we entered the Mersey a 
fine breeze bore us to Liverpool, and we landed with 
grateful hearts and congratulations to the Roscius, that had 
borne us so bravely over the wide sea to old England, the 
land of our fathers, almost as dear to us as our own great 
country, which inherited its blood, its language, its laws, 
and its religion. The morning was fine and we drove to 
the " Adelphi " with light hearts. 

Soon after my arrival I observed a coach drawn by four 
horses and with coachman and two footmen in rich livery 
stop in front of the hotel. Upon inquiring at the ofifice I 
was informed that it was the coach of the High SherifT, 
who had called to conduct the Judge, Sir J. Maule, to the 
court-house. I lost no time in making my way to the 
court-room, where for the first time I saw an English 
court of law in session. His Honor, Judge Maule, was in 
full state, with gown and wig, and the members of the bar 
wore the gown and smaller wigs. The High Sheriff seemed 
to be most formidable in the full display of ofificial dignity. 
The spectacle was full of interest ; the contrast was strik- 
ing between this impressive display of royal authority 
and the republican simplicity which I had so lately wit- 
nessed at home. 




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CHAPTER IV. 

London — Edward Everett — Sir Robert Peel — An Evening in the House of 
Lords — The Duke of Wellington — Lord Lyndhurst — Lord Brougham — 
Mr. Bates, of Baring Bros. — Mr. Van der Weyer, Belgian Ambassador 
— Rothschild — Departure. 

London to an American who visits it for the first time 
is full of interest ; associations crowd upon him, the past 
and the present appeal to him ; great historical personages 
— scholars, poets, and illustrious men who swayed the for- 
tunes of England — throng about him, while the great busy 
city, with its crowded thoroughfares, its splendid struc- 
tures, its imposing spectacles, could not be shut out from 
sight and hearing ; there is nothing like it in all the 
world. 

My first visit was paid to Mr. Edward Everett, the 
American Minister. Presenting letters of introduction, 
which had been given to me by the President and other 
gentlemen of distinction at Washington, he received me 
with the greatest cordiality, and from the first hour of our 
meeting extended to me not merely courtesies but ren- 
dered me important services. He occupied a house in 
Grosvenor Square, and lived with the dignity and ele- 
gance becoming to him as the Minister of the United 
States to the greatest power in the world. In the course 
of a few years I became associated with Mr. Everett inti- 
mately, and but a short time previous to his death I was 
his guest in Boston, so that I met him from time to time ; 
but I wish to present him here, delineating the man, the 

3 33 



34 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

scholar, and the statesman, as he ought to be known to 
his countrymen and to the world. Mr. Everett was at 
that time in the very maturity of his manhood ; his head 
was fine, arched, and well developed, the forehead dis- 
playing the faculty of imagination and rising into rever- 
ence ; his features were bold, but regular and classical ; 
his eyes were large, calm, and full of intelligence, and were 
dark hazel ; his hair was thick and clustered about the 
temples ; he wore no beard ; his person was finely pro- 
portioned, he stood nearly six feet in height, and his 
shoulders were broad and square ; his whole appearance 
recalled some classical personage living in the midst of 
our modern civilization. I should assign to Mr. Everett 
a high rank among our public men, giving him as he 
stood in a group of his contemporaries in Boston — so 
prolific in men of ability and renown — a place almost as 
conspicuous as that which was occupied by the grand form 
of Daniel Webster. His training had been thorough, 
educated in the most liberal sense for the pulpit and for 
the professor's chair, he was equal to any one in the 
country as a scholar, and rivalled De Quincey in his 
acquaintance with Greek, who it was said might have 
addressed with effect an audience in Athens. Advancing 
into the forum he displayed qualities and attainments 
that gave him rank with the first statesmen of the nation. 
He was the most faultless writer of the English language 
that the country has produced, and excelled in oratory to 
such a degree that he devoted his ripest faculties to pay- 
ing tributes to the memory of the father of his country, 
so splendid as to remind us of Isocrates, who earned 
immortality by his panegyrics upon Athens. 

Parliament was in session, and Sir Robert Peel was at 
the head of the government. Mr. Everett proposed that 
I should visit the House of Commons, as it was under- 
stood that Sir Robert would speak on a question of 
interest, and he gave me a card which admitted me to the 



IN THE HOUSE OF LORDS. 35 

gallery for privileged visitors. I proceeded to the House 
of Commons and found that it had already adjourned for 
want of a quorum. Much disappointed I walked into a 
corridor leading to the House of Lords, and standing for 
a moment near the entrance from the street, I spoke to 
one of the ushers as to the surroundings, when I observed 
a gentleman approaching the door. The usher said to 
me : " Here comes the Duke." A moment later the Duke 
of Wellington passed me on his way to the chamber. 
His appearance was striking : tall, slender, erect, with 
some stateliness in his bearing ; walking with activity 
and ease, the great Duke with a slight inclination passed 
me, giving me the coveted opportunity of observing the 
most distinguished man in Europe. His dress was that 
of a gentleman in morning costume, a dark frock-coat, 
pantaloons of light-colored cassimere, and a tall white hat. 
I entered the gallery of the House of Lords and found 
the body had already assembled. Lord Lyndhurst was 
seated on the wool-sack ; the Duke of Wellington was in 
his seat, his head drooped ; and some two or three bish- 
ops wearing their robes were in their places. In the rear 
of the wool-sack was the throne, occupied only occasion- 
ally by the Queen on great state days. Lord Lyndhurst 's 
noble form was covered with the gown which the Lord 
Chancellor wears when presiding in the House of Lords, 
and he wore the great wig of his office, but still his 
appearance interested me deeply. His career has been 
extraordinary ; he was born in Boston, the son of Mr. 
Copley, who was also a native of that city, but a British 
subject. Mr. Copley was a portrait painter, who earned 
his fame as an artist in this country, and removed to 
London before the colonies were separated from Eng- 
land. Young Copley grew up with the best training, 
and won honors at the university ; called to the bar he 
advanced steadily, and while yet young attracted the 
attention of the leading men of England. He began his 



36 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

career as a Liberal, but having displayed abilities so 
remarkable as to entitle him to consideration, the leaders 
of the Tory party being in power, showered honors upon 
him and secured him as an ally. He shone among the 
conspicuous men of England, and possessing, besides his 
splendid abilities, noble presence and fascinating manners, 
he rose to great distinction. When I saw him in the 
House of Lords he was for the first time Lord Chancellor, 
Sir Robert Peel being First Lord of the Treasury. Lord 
Lyndhurst before the close of his career became an ear- 
nest Christian, working faithfully for the great cause in 
his intercourse with the public men of the country by 
whom he was surrounded. Just before his death, which 
occurred in the ninety-second year of his age, he expressed 
his trust in the Lord Jesus Christ in the strongest terms, 
and when asked by a friend what his feelings were as he 
drew near the end, he replied : " I am happy ; yes, 
supremely happy." As I observed Lord Lyndhurst on 
the wool-sack, surrounded by noblemen who had inherit- 
ed ancestral honors, he seemed to me to be the chiefest in 
the attainment of his great distinction, for he had won his 
high place by his own personal qualities. I was so fortu- 
nate as to see Lord Brougham. He, too, had risen to 
high eminence by his great parts, and his presence in the 
House of Lords shed a splendor over the body. Of 
him Lord Lyndhurst is said to have remarked : " What 
is the House of Lords without Lord Brougham ? " The 
question on which Lord Brougham rose to speak was 
not one of general importance, but some bill affecting the 
privileges of the City of London. I was amused to hear 
Lord Brougham pronounce the name of the city " Lun- 
non," in the clearest cockney style ; his manner was fine, 
his voice pleasing, and he treated the subject in a way to 
make it interesting. I should have been much gratified 
to have heard him discuss some great question that 
brought out his wonderful powers. I had felt a great 



OBSERVATIONS ON LORD BROUGHAAI. 37 

interest in him, not merely because of his splendid abili- 
ties, but for his courageous and noble defence of Queen 
Caroline. That unhappy princess drew to her support 
the true, brave, and gallant men of England. When it 
was proposed in Parliament to strike her name from the 
list of royal persons embraced in the public service in the 
Church of England, one of the noble Lords protesting 
against it said : 

" It is proposed to add to the persecutions which the un- 
happy Princess has been made to endure, the most cruel of all, 
by withholding from her the prayers of the Church, wholly 
omitting her name from mention, and depriving her of the 
grace of the supplications offered for all, unless she is included 
in the petition for Divine succor for all those who are desolate 
and afflicted." 

There was infinite pathos in this speech. Lord Brough- 
am led the noble body of public men who defended Queen 
Caroline, and it was impossible for me to hear him with 
indifference on any subject. He, too, lived to an advanced 
age, always full of vigor and interest ; his varied learning, 
his animated manner, his splendid abilities, the courage 
with which he bore himself in great debates, constituted 
him a statesman of wonderful power under every suc- 
cessive administration of the government. As I walked 
out of the chamber I felt that, while I had lost much in 
not hearing Sir Robert Peel, I had been compensated by 
an evening in the House of Lords. 

I found a friend in Mr. Bates, of the great house of 
Baring Bros., a native of Massachusetts, who, when yet 
young, made his home in London and established a busi- 
ness so important and successful as to make him an object 
of public regard. He was invited to enter the house of 
Baring Bros., which attained to such eminence in the 
great metropolis at an early day as to constitute it one of 
the first commercial establishments of the world. Mr. 



38 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

Bates lived with elegance, and his hospitality was such as 
to entitle him to social distinction in London. His atten- 
tions to me were so kind and constant as to make my stay 
in the city far more agreeable than it could have been 
under other circumstances. Mr. Van der Weyer, the 
Belgian Ambassador at London, had married a daughter 
of Mr. Bates, and the Queen of England was the god- 
mother of their children. Mr. Bates invited me to meet 
Mr. Van der Weyer at dinner, and I enjoyed the honor 
of being received as the guest of the family of the Ambas- 
sador from Belgium, the court to which I was accredited, 
before my presentation to the King in Brussels. Mr. Van 
der Weyer was one of that class of statesmen who rose to 
distinction by his attainments as a scholar ; he contributed 
powerful support to the popular cause by his writings 
when Belgium asserted its independence of the kingdom 
of the Netherlands, and raised its own royal standard 
upon the organization of the new government. When 
Leopold became king he rewarded the signal services of 
Mr. Van der Weyer to his country by conferring on him 
the high distinction of Ambassador of Belgium to Eng- 
land. 

The Government of the United States kept its accounts 
in Europe at that time with the house of Rothschild, in 
London. I called to present my letter of credit, and in a 
few moments I was invited to a personal interview with 
the great banker ; he received me cordially and entered 
into a free conversation in regard to public affairs. I was 
impressed with the marked politeness of my reception, for 
I had heard that his manner was at times characterized 
by extreme hauteur. I found his conversation pleasing. 
I stated that it was my wish to draw some part of my 
salary before proceeding to Brussels, and he had it ar- 
ranged for me promptly ; a clerk came in bringing a roll 
of notes of the Bank of England, which looked really 
formidable. I had never seen a note of that description, 



DEPARTURE FROM LONDON. 39 

and as the package was too large for my small portemon- 
naie I placed it in the side pocket of my coat. Mr. Roth- 
schild advised me to bestow some care on the package if 
I entered a public conveyance, as a gentleman sometimes 
loses his money by the adroitness of a fellow-passenger. 
I had enjoyed a conversation with one of the most im- 
portant men in Europe, one with whom princes dealt, and 
who exerted a pronounced influence upon the fortunes of 
crowned heads. 

I passed a few days in visiting places of public interest 
in London, and found the time too limited for the gratifi- 
cation of my desire to explore even a few of the lines of 
research that opened all around me. 

I was much indebted to the kind offices of Mr. John 
Miller, a despatch agent of our government, who con- 
tributed, by the most assiduous and intelligent attentions 
to my wishes, to make my stay in London perfectly satis- 
factory. He secured for me state-rooms on one of a line 
of steamboats leaving for Antwerp daily ; and with my 
young relative, Mr. Stanley, I embarked for that port. I 
could have secured a shorter passage by sailing for Ostend, 
but I preferred the other line, and I found that my choice 
was fortunate. It was at that time, and is still, I learn, 
the most agreeable route from London to the coast of 
Belgium ; it was a run of some twenty-four hours from 
the Thames to the fine old town on the Scheldt. 




CHAPTER V. 

Antwerp — Brassels — Honorable Virgil Maxcy — Hotel de France — Great 
Military Review on the Banks of the Rhine — Cologne — Aix-la-Chapelle 
Splendid Reception by the King of Prussia — Baron Humboldt — Return 
to Brussels. 

Antwerp was as strange to me as it was interesting. 
The whole aspect of the place was unlike anything I had 
ever seen before ; its old buildings of the Spanish style 
of architecture ; its ancient streets, as quiet as if nothing 
new or modern had ever disturbed them ; its grand cathe- 
dral ; its hotels, indescribable and delightful ; its great 
shipping, bearing the wealth of nations to its ample 
port ; its huge horses, drawing drays over its roughly 
paved streets, strangely impressed me. At intervals of 
fifteen minutes the bells of the cathedral tower were 
heard in exquisite chimes ; and a walk of a few minutes 
took me to a world as far removed from commerce as if 
by some strange power I had been transported into some 
earlier century. Yet Antwerp is a place of active and 
important commercial transactions ; Napoleon made it a 
place of rendezvous for men-of-war ; with his practical 
sense, however, he made there a place of anchorage, 
wholly distinct from the commercial docks, which are 
capable of holding two thousand vessels ; they are formed 
into four canals, on which storehouses are built ; and the 
merchant is enabled to crane his goods from shipboard 
into his warehouse. Antwerp is renowned for its military 
structures, its sieges, and heroic defences, from the time 

40 



ANTWERP. 41 

of the Duke of Alba to the assault of the united troops 
of Belgium and France, made in 1832. The history of 
Antwerp for three hundred years has not only been with- 
out a blemish, but is highly honorable. The churches of 
the city are full of interest ; they contain some splendid 
paintings ; in the cathedral there is to be seen the finest 
picture in the world—" The Descent from the Cross," by 
Rubens ; this unrivalled picture was sent by Napoleon to 
the Louvre, but was restored by the King of France, after 
the fall of the great Emperor, who would have made 
Paris the capital of Europe. Some persons of critical 
taste prefer the altar-piece, by the same painter ; it rep- 
resents the " Assumption," and is wonderfully beautiful ; 
groups of visitors gather about it and gaze for hours upon 
the picture, finding in it an irresistible charm. The 
cathedral is one of the finest in Europe ; its spire, four 
hundred and sixty-six feet high, of open stonework, is 
exquisite ; Charles V. said it should be kept under a glass 
case ; and Napoleon remarked that it was as fine as Mech- 
lin lace. At the Church of St. Jacques is a splendid 
picture — " The Saviour Crucified," by Vandyke ; it is a 
very beautiful picture. In the Church of St. Andrew 
there is a monument to the memory of Mary Queen of 
Scots, erected by two English women ; the inscription 
ranks the beautiful woman, so cruelly put to death by the 
order of her heartless rival. Queen Elizabeth, as a martyr. 
On the Place Verte is a fine statue of Rubens. I could 
not linger in the fine old city that so deeply interested me. 
Brussels, twenty-five miles distant, is reached by a fine 
railway ; we took the train, and in the course of an hour 
entered the beautiful environs of the capital. Before 
leaving Washington, the Belgian Minister had spoken to 
me of the Hotel de France in such terms that I drove to 
it immediately and engaged a handsome suite of apart- 
ments. The hotel is delightfully situated near the park, 
which is surrounded by a square of palaces and the resi- 



42 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

dences of Belgian ministers and foreign ambassadors ; 
the outlook was charming, and my first impressions of 
Belgium were of the most pleasing kind. Honorable 
Virgil Maxcy, my predecessor, was awaiting my arrival, 
and I found that he had apartments in the Hotel de 
France, Mrs. Maxcy being with him. They received me 
most hospitably. Mr. Maxcy was a citizen of Maryland, 
and he had been appointed Minister to Belgium to suc- 
ceed Honorable Hugh S. Legar6, of South Carolina. Mr. 
Legar6 was the first diplomatic representative appointed 
by the United States to Belgium upon the organization 
of that kingdom after its separation from Holland, the 
two countries having been united under one government 
— the Netherlands — by the Congress of Vienna, after the 
overthrow of Napoleon. Leopold of Saxe-Coburg, who 
had married the Princess Charlotte, the daughter of 
George IV., and since her death had continued to reside 
in England, was offered the crown by the Ministry and 
the National Congress of Belgium, and under the sanc- 
tion of the great powers of Europe had accepted it ; his 
coronation took place July 21, 1831. 

Mr. Legar6 was at the time of his appointment to this 
important mission residing in Charleston, S. C. ; he was 
one of the ablest and most accomplished statesmen of the 
country, and would have adorned any station at home or 
abroad. He resided at Brussels for some years, and upon 
his retirement from the mission, Mr. Maxcy of Maryland 
was chosen to succeed him. Mr. Maxcy was a gentleman 
of fine culture and most agreeable manners, living with 
elegance, and at all times maintaining the dignity of his 
station ; he extended hospitalities to his countrymen who 
visited Brussels. Both Mr. Legare and Mr. Maxcy lived 
in a style which was becoming to the representatives of a 
great nation, at the court where the European govern- 
ments sent their ablest diplomatists, and which was un- 
surpassed for the splendor of its surroundings. 



MILITARY DISPLAY ON THE RHINE. 43 

The King of Prussia proposed to provide a great mili- 
tary spectacle on the Rhine, near Bonn, and he invited 
the sovereigns of Europe and other men of importance to 
be present. Mr. Maxcy desired to observe this splendid 
exhibit, and, as King Leopold had accepted the invitation 
to attend it, he proposed that we should accompany his 
Majesty, forming part of his suite ; yielding to Mr. Max- 
cy's wish, I consented to defer my presentation at court 
until our return from the excursion. Arriving at Cologne 
we endeavored to provide ourselves with horses, that we 
might observe the military movements with advantage, 
but the demand for them was so great that we could not 
secure them. We got no further in our preparations than 
to buy spurs for our boots, and I was much amused to 
find upon my return to Brussels these important articles 
in my valise, to remind me of the field and its glories, 
where, from an open carriage, we had witnessed feats of 
horsemanship performed by others. The spectacle was 
splendid ; some fifty thousand troops were on the field, 
and brilliant manoeuvres were executed under the eyes of 
the most distinguished commanders in Europe ; villages 
were assaulted and taken, the long lines of infantry held 
their ground, and great bodies of cavalry charged with 
impetuous gallantry. Ladies were present in great num- 
bers, their splendid equipages appearing on different 
points of the field as the shifting fortunes of mimic war- 
fare attracted them. The Queen of Prussia with her 
brilliant escort made a central object, and about her 
coach were grouped others filled with the attendants 
who gave so much splendor to the court circle. I was 
introduced to Prince George of Cambridge, a cousin of 
Queen Victoria, and at this time Commander-in-chief of 
the British Army ; I was much pleased with him, and 
enjoyed a friendly conversation with the young prince. 

The royal party passed the day at Aix-la-Chapelle, the 
city of Charlemagne, and the visit to the cathedral was 



44 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

full of interest. The King and Queen of Prussia, the 
King of the Belgians and his suite, and many others 
connected with royalty were received in the church with 
great distinction ; as one of the suite of King Leopold, I 
enjoyed the privilege of seeing the exhibition of objects 
rarely shown. The position of the tomb in which the 
remains of Charlemagne had been interred was pointed 
out to us. It was marked by a slab of marble under the 
centre of the dome, inscribed with the words " Carlo 
Magno." A massive brazen chandelier hangs above it, 
the gift of the Emperor Frederick Barbarossa. We were 
invited to enter the sacristy, rich in relics shown but once 
in seven years to the people, but on this occasion ex- 
hibited to our view. These relics were presented to 
Charlemagne by the Patriarch of Jerusalem, and by 
Haroun, King of Persia ; and are deposited in a rich 
shrine of gilt silver, the work of artists of the ninth 
century. Among them we were shown what we were 
assured was the robe worn by the virgin at the nativity ; 
the cloth on which the head of John the Baptist was 
laid ; the scarf worn by our Saviour at the crucifixion, 
bearing stains of blood. There were, besides these, two 
objects of priceless value — a locket containing the Virgin's 
hair, and a piece of the true cross ; Charlemagne wore it 
on his breast while living, and in his tomb. The piece of 
the true cross had actually been presented to Charle- 
magne by the Bishop of Jerusalem. I touched this object 
with vivid interest ; it had been accepted by Charlemagne 
with deep veneration, and had been worn upon his heart 
more than a thousand years since. 

About half a mile from Aix-la-Chapelle is a hill, called 
the Louisberg, about two hundred feet high, and on its 
summit stands the Belvedere, with a saloon commanding 
an extensive prospect. In this place a splendid entertain- 
ment was given in the evening by the King and Queen of 
Prussia. I met there the most distinguished people from 



CONVERSATION WITH BARON VON HUMBOLDT. 45 

different parts of Europe. The queen was charming — she 
received her guests with winning cordiality. I had the 
honor of being presented to her by the venerable Baron von 
Humboldt, her chamberlain. I found this eminent man 
one of the most agreeable persons I had ever met, and 
enjoyed for some time a conversation with him, by which 
I felt honored as well as entertained. A large number of 
persons of the highest rank enjoyed the brilliant recep- 
tion, among them, besides the King and Queen of Prussia, 
were Leopold, King of the Belgians, the King of Wer- 
temberg, the Grand Duke of Nassau, Archduke John, a 
brother of the Emperor of Austria, and two sons of 
the King of Holland. A balcony surrounded the build- 
ing, and a large number of the guests had passed out on 
it that they might observe the pyrotechnical display on 
the plain below ; and I, supposing that the royal per- 
sonages were outside, stood at a window looking at the 
exhibition, when some one in uniform said to me : 
*' Prenez-garde,'" and I found myself unconsciously stand- 
ing in front of Archduke John of Austria — one must not 
turn his back on royalty, — and I bowed and gave way to 
the distinguished-looking gentleman whose presence alone 
would have entitled him to consideration, if his rank had 
not secured it. Not only was he of the royal family of 
Austria, but he was the brother of the great Archduke 
Charles, who had won distinction as a soldier while holding 
his troops steadily against the advance of that greatest of 
captains — Napoleon. 

Returning to Brussels I felt myself indebted to Mr. 
Maxcy for having invited me to make the excursion 
which had afforded both of us so much pleasure. 

In the course of a few days, Mr. Maxcy, having com- 
pleted his arrangements, took leave and returned to the 
United States. Within a few months I was shocked to 
receive an account of his sudden death on board the 
Princeton, while he was visiting the ship with a distin- 



46 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

guished party assembled to witness the working of her 
machinery. On the morning of the 28th of February, 
1843, Commodore Stockton, surrounded by his guests on 
board the steamer man-of-war Princeton, proposed to 
exhibit to them the formidable guns which were to throw 
balls of two hundred and twenty-five pounds each. The 
President of the United States, his Cabinet, members of 
both houses of Congress, with distinguished citizens, and 
a number of ladies, led by Mrs. Madison, were interested 
observers. The vessel had proceeded down the Potomac 
below Mount Vernon, and was on her return, the guns 
firing well, when, about four o'clock in the afternoon, it 
was proposed to fire, once more, one of the great guns 
under favorable conditions. The gun was fired, bursting 
on one side and throwing a large fragment on the group 
of persons standing there, crushing the front rank with 
its immense weight. In the group, consisting of Mr. 
Upshur, Secretary of State, Mr. Gilmer, Secretary of the 
Navy, and others, stood my friend, Mr. Maxcy ; they 
were instantly killed by the explosion. He was a man of 
generous nature, and though no longer young, loved 
society, and rarely lost an opportunity for witnessing a 
public spectacle ; he left a family devoted to him, and I 
afterwards met in Washington one of his daughters, the 
wife of Mr. Markoe, of the Department of State, a charm- 
ing woman, who would have graced the society of any 
city. His death afforded a sad lesson upon the evanes- 
cence of life and the instability of human affairs. 



CHAPTER VI. 

King Leopold and the Queen — Diplomatic Representatives at the Court — 
Dinner at the Palace at Laeken — My Residence near the Park — 
Arrangements for Living. 

The King of the Belgians was one of the first states- 
men in Europe. Prince Leopold of Saxe-Coburg visited 
England while yet a young man, and at once attracted 
attention, not only from his connection with that noble 
house, but from his person, his qualities, and his train- 
ing ; no prince of his time surpassed him in the ac- 
complishments that adorn high station. After being 
thoroughly educated he entered the Austrian service, 
where he acquired a knowledge of military affairs, and 
upon relinquishing his command he decided to pass some 
time in England, where his sister, the Duchess of Kent, 
resided. The Princess Charlotte, daughter of George IV., 
was then just appearing in the court circle, which she 
adorned by her youth, her beauty, her accomphshments, 
and those qualities of mind and character which impart 
the highest charm even to one in the most exalted station 
of life. She was the object of universal regard in Eng- 
land, and the heart of the nation rejoiced in her as one 
destined to bring to the throne the charms which, blended 
in a woman with the sovereign, shed lustre upon a reign. 
Prince Leopold and the Princess Charlotte attracted each 
other, and their marriage was not only approved by the 
royal family, but by the people of England ; Parliament 
voted the sum of fifty thousand pounds annually for the 

47 



48 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

Prince ; and the splendid residence, Claremont, was settled 
on him. Never did a brighter morning rise upon two 
young people; but within a few months the Princess died, 
giving birth to a still-born child. The Prince continued 
to reside at his splendid seat, respected by all, and 
studied the political institutions of England. In 1830 
he was offered the crown of Greece, which he refused to 
accept. The following year he was chosen King of the 
Belgians, and took the throne with the sanction of the 
great powers of Europe ; he had just attained his fortieth 
year, and entered upon the administration of the new 
government with splendid qualifications for the great 
task. The coronation of the King, Leopold I., took place 
July 21, 1831. In the course of the next year he married 
the Princess Louise, daughter of Louis Philippe, King of 
the French. The young Queen brought to her splendid 
station all the qualities that could be desired in a reign- 
ing princess, and all the accomplishments that could make 
her attractive as a woman. The King was a man of im- 
pressive presence, standing the full height of six feet, of 
fine proportions, and military bearing ; of bronze com- 
plexion, black hair, and dark eyes, he would have been 
observed in any circle. The Queen was a beautiful 
woman, with fine complexion, fair hair, blue eyes, a face 
of pleasing contour, a form tall and graceful ; with a 
warmth of manner that was eminently gracious, she 
moved in the circle where she reigned the object of uni- 
versal regard. It was a court of unsurpassed splendor, 
all its appointments, which were those of the English 
style, displayed elegance regulated by perfect taste. The 
carriage of the King was drawn by four splendid bays, 
with postilions in rich livery ; that of the Queen was dis- 
tinguished with equal taste, the four horses were gray, 
and the postilions and outriders wore a splendid livery. 
The Diplomatic Corps at Brussels was composed of distin- 
guished men : Mr. Falk, of Holland, was conceded to be 



DIPLOMATIC REPRESENTATIVES. 49 

the most eminent member of the body ; this was accorded 
to him for his long and successful career, and for his early 
appearance at court as the representative of his country. 
His position required skill and weight of character, and 
he possessed both. The Marquis de Rumigny was the 
French Ambassador, holding, next to the Nuncio of the 
Pope, the highest rank in the Diplomatic Corps ; he had a 
charming family, his daughters contributing much to the 
society of the capital. Sir Hamilton Seymour was the 
English Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipoten- 
tiary, and Lady Seymour, a beautiful and noble woman, 
aided him in giving to his important official position the 
added charm of profuse and elegant hospitality. I en- 
joyed with these eminent men a most agreeable inter- 
course, which was the more gratifying to me as I was 
much younger, and had just entered upon my diplomatic 
career. I was upon terms of the most friendly inter- 
course, too, with Count de Deitreichstein, the Minister of 
Austria, who was more nearly of my own age ; his wife 
was very beautiful, a Polish princess, who gave a great 
charm to social life. There were others who contributed 
much to the interest of my residence, by attentions ex- 
tended to me both officially and socially. 

Just outside of the northern hmits of Brussels is the 
Allee Verte, one of the most delightful drives in the 
world, bordered on one side by a path for pedestrians, 
by the canal on the other, beautifully shaded by a triple 
row of trees. An evening drive along this avenue, when 
the Hngering rays of the setting sun guild the tree-tops 
and a fragrance of new-mown hay is in the air, is perfect 
in its enjoyment. A little way from the end of this road 
you cross the bridge and arrive at Laeken, a seat of a royal 
residence, one of the most charming in the world. It 
was built by Albert, Archduke of Saxony, Governor of 
Flanders, in 1782, from the plans drawn by himself. 
Napoleon purchased it and made it a present to Joseph- 



50 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

ine, and here he signed the declaration of war against 
Russia, and drew the plan of that disastrous campaign 
that led to his overthrow. 

Their Majesties were residing at this palace when I 
arrived at Brussels, and they did not leave it to return to 
the royal residence in the city until the autumn had 
passed. The King gave a dinner at Laeken soon after 
our return from the excursion to the Rhine, and I was 
honored with an invitation ; the guests were the members 
of the Diplomatic Corps and other persons of distinction. 
Among them was a statesman who, at that time, attracted 
the attention of Europe, Mr. Olazaga, who was for some 
time at the head of the Spanish Ministry ; he retired 
from the government, and left Spain under the grave 
accusation of lese-majeste, in compelling the young 
Queen to sign a paper which did not meet her approval. 
He was a person of interesting appearance, and was 
understood to possess abilities of a high order. The 
guests were standing in the usual way to receive their 
Majesties, when the King entered, leading by the hand a 
child of some four years of age, of remarkable beauty, 
her black hair, rosy complexion, and dark eyes constitu- 
ting her an object of rare attraction ; she was the young- 
est child of their Majesties, their daughter Carlotta ; the 
Queen, attended by her ladies of honor, came in at the 
same time. The King wore an evening dress of black and 
small-clothes with the Order of the Garter ; his dress was 
singularly becoming to him, and the little girl who walked 
by his side heightened the interest of his appearance. If 
we could have looked through the vista of coming years, 
we should have seen that child, grown to womanly beauty, 
acting a part in the world's history of splendid and tragic 
coloring. Carlotta, daughter of the King and Queen, the 
central figures of that brilliant circle, became the wife of 
Maximilian, brother of the reigning Emperor of Austria, 
and, not long after her marriage, Empress of Mexico, 



ARRANGEMENTS FOR LIVING. 5 I 

sharing the fortunes of her generous and accompHshed 
husband in his splendid career in Mexico, shedding added 
lustre upon his reign ; she was overcome by his tragic 
death, and a rayless shadow settled upon the brightness 
of her youth. But on that evening in the palace at 
Laeken everything was bright and joyous, and the evening 
closed in cloudless splendor. 

My family had not joined me, but I decided to take a 
house at once and occupy it with Mr. Stanley, feeling 
that it was proper to have my own establishment where 
I might entertain my countrymen, and reciprocate in 
some way the hospitality showered upon me ; its situa- 
tion was charming, being on the side of the park opposite 
the Hotel de France, and near the royal palace. I had 
taken into my service, from the time of Mr. Maxcy's de- 
parture, his footman, an experienced, accomplished, and 
trustworthy man, who spoke several languages, and was 
thoroughly acquainted with the way of living in Brussels ; 
such was Antoine, a native Belgian, who had seen much 
of the world, having travelled as courier with the English 
and French families visiting Germany and Italy. He had 
served Mr. Maxcy well, and he was so faithful to me 
that I retained him in my service during my entire resi- 
dence in Brussels ; he not only spoke Flemish but French, 
Spanish, and English fluently, not always correctly nor 
elegantly, but in a way to make himself very useful ; his 
English speech was amusing, omitting and adding conso- 
nants in the most approved cockney style, but he was 
faithful always. Mr. Legare, the first Minister of the 
United States to Belgium, and Mr. Maxcy, my immediate 
predecessor, had both maintained the dignity of their 
official relations to the court in a way to make it proper 
that I should live in the same style, and I did so from 
the beginning of my service to its conclusion. There 
were many of my countrymen visiting Brussels, and I 
entertained them with sincere pleasure. There were 



52 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

many English residents in Brussels who contributed to 
the interest of social life, some of them living expen- 
sively, and entertaining with generous hospitality. This 
made a residence in Brussels much more expensive than it 
had been some years previously ; and I believe that it now 
requires almost as large an income to live there as it does 
in Paris. A carriage is an expensive luxury where the 
horses and all the appointments of an elegant establish- 
ment are selected to suit one accustomed to indulge his 
taste in that way, and in Brussels there is much display 
in equipages used by persons in official stations. The 
drives are fine, the environs most attractive, and a car- 
riage affords a most delightful recreation. The walks, 
too, in the parks and on the gay boulevards which sur- 
round the city are both delightful and invigorating. All 
this I enjoyed greatly, after I settled myself in my own 
house and made satisfactory arrangements for living. 




CHAPTER VII. 



The Government of Belgium — The Royal Palace — The Chamber of Repre- 
sentatives, or Palais de la Nation — The Burgiindian Library — The 
Hotel de Ville — The Forest of Soignies — Excursion to Waterloo — The 
Battle — Napoleon. 

The government of Belgium is one of the freest in 
Europe ; it is constitutional, it is a limited monarchy 
with male succession, and in default of male issue the 
king may nominate his successor with the consent of the 
Chambers. The Chambers consist of a Senate and a 
House of Representatives. The House of Representa- 
tives is composed of members representing forty-six 
thousand of the population, elected for four years, ex- 
cept in case of dissolution, a half retiring every two 
years. The Senate has half the number of the House, 
elected for eight years, a half retiring every four years. 
The representatives are paid for their services ; senators 
receive no pay. Laws may originate in either house, 
but money-bills must be framed originally in the House 
of Representatives. The Chambers assemble annually. 
The king may dissolve the Chambers, but the act of dis- 
solution must provide for their re-assembling within two 
months. The ministry consists of six departments ; 
Foreign Affairs ; Finance ; Justice ; Public Works ; War ; 
and the Interior. The Minister of Foreign Affairs is 
Premier. Among the constitutional prerogatives of 
the crown is that of conferring titles on the nobility, but 
the nobility do not constitute an order in the state ; all 

53 



54 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

they possess is the title, without any personal privilege. 
The elementary propositions of the constitution are : 
the sovereignty of the people ; the representative system ; 
individual liberty ; inviolability of domicile and property ; 
liberty and independence of religious worship ; the right 
of assembling in public ; the right of association ; liberty 
of instruction ; liberty of the press ; ministerial responsi- 
bility ; and the independence of the judiciary. Trial by 
jury on a political charge, and the offences of the press, 
provided for. Taxes and the army contingent must be 
paid annually. The law is administered by local and 
provincial tribunals, with courts of appeal at Brussels, 
Ghent, and Liege. Under the Romans the country 
formed a part of Gallia Belgica, a name derived from the 
original inhabitants. Caesar, in his Commentaries, describes 
them as brave and fearless. The history of Belgium is 
eventful, illustrious, and glorious ; and it is to-day one of 
the most beautiful, prosperous, and charming countries in 
Europe. The royal palace, in Brussels, overlooks the 
park ; it is an extensive but not impressive building, with 
splendid suites of apartments, richly furnished. I ob- 
served in one of the rooms a full-length portrait of Queen 
Victoria, representing her as she stood in youthful grace 
upon her accession to the throne of England. The 
Chamber of Representatives, or the Palais de la Nation, 
built by Maria Theresa for the meetings of the Councils 
of Brabant, stands at the opposite end of the park, facing 
the royal palace ; it is beautifully situated, and the rooms 
are handsomely fitted up, resembling the French Chamber 
in Paris. The Burgundian Library is an object of great 
interest ; it contains sixteen thousand MSS. of great 
value. They were collected at a very early period by the 
Dukes of Burgundy ; many are richly adorned with pre- 
cious miniature paintings of the greatest value, by the 
scholars of Van Eyck. This splendid collection has been 
twice taken to Paris by the victorious French, when Na- 



THE HOTEL DE VILLE. 55 

poleon proposed to make that city the capital of Europe. 
The Hotel de Ville, in the Grande Place, is one of the 
grandest municipal palaces in the Netherlands, and unri- 
valled for splendor as well as for historical associations. 
It was completed in 1442. The beautiful tower of Gothic 
open work, three hundred and sixty-four feet high, is one 
of the most striking objects in Brussels ; the copper figure 
of Saint Michael on the summit, which turns with the 
wind, is seventeen feet high. The view from the spire is 
extensive, taking in Waterloo, its colossal mound, and the 
rich forest of Soignies. I found the highest interest in 
the building, in the historical incident of the abdication 
of Charles V., which took place in the grand hall in 1555 ; 
an event depicted on the rich tapestry, still preserved. 
The market-place, in front of this magnificent building, is 
full of interest ; Counts Egmont and Horn were beheaded 
on this spot, in 1568, by the order of Alva, who looked at 
the execution from a window of an old Gothic house op- 
posite, which still stands — the Maison du Roi. Here also, 
just before the battle of Waterloo, the Duchess of Rich- 
mond gave her ball, attended by the Duke of Wellington 
and a number of his officers. The scene is described by 
Byron, in " Childe Harold's Pilgrimage": 

" There was a sound of revelry by night, 

And Belgium's capital had gathered then 
Her beauty and her chivalry, and bright 

The lamps shone o'er fair women and brave men ; 

A thousand hearts beat happily ; and when 
Music arose with its voluptuous swell. 

Soft eyes look'd love to eyes which spake again, 
And all went merry as a marriage bell ; 
But hush ! hark ! a deep sound strikes like a rising knell ! 

" And there was mounting in hot haste : the steed. 

The mustering squadron, and the clattering car 

Went pouring forward with impetuous speed. 

And swiftly forming in the ranks of war ; 

And the deep thunder peal on peal afar." 



$6 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

I decided to visit Waterloo, and go over the field under 
intelligent guidance, that I might study the parts of that 
great drama fairly, and make up a judgment that would 
be approved by the best authorities of our own day, and 
in accord with authentic history. I was accompanied by 
my young relative, Mr. Stanley, and we made an early 
start that we might not be hurried in our explorations of 
the battle-ground, where the fate of modern Europe was 
decided. The day was singularly fine, the sun shone out 
in his strength, and shed a splendor upon the forest 
through which the road passed. In quitting Brussels 
by the Porte de Namur the road runs directly in front of 
the former residence of Madame Malibran, unrivalled in 
song, and just beyond it enters a narrow, deep gorge over- 
hung by high wooded banks. Through this pass, sombre 
even at noon-day, many of the officers of Wellington rode 
at night, summoned suddenly from the ball-room of the 
Duchess of Richmond to join their commands on the 
field. The forest of Soignies extends to the village of 
Waterloo ; it is called by Lord Byron, in his lines describ- 
ing the scene, Ardennes, which he represents as " dewy 
with nature's tear-drops, as they pass." Emerging from 
the forest, the village of Waterloo is reached, and a view 
caught of the celebrated field. Southey's description of 
the wood and the field, as immortal as that of Marathon, 
is accurate and beautiful. At this village the Duke of 
Wellington fixed his headquarters, and from this place his 
despatches were dated ; therefore the battle bears its 
name, though the field is more than two miles distant, 
and about ten miles from Brussels. After reaching Water- 
loo we halted for a short time, and then drove to the 
battle-field, and made our way directly to Hougomont, 
the most important and hotly contested position during 
the mighty struggle. The building was formerly a Flem- 
ish chateau of some pretension, surrounded by about 
four acres of ground, inclosed with a brick wail. Every- 



THE BATTLEFIELD OF WATERLOO. 57 

thing about the spot attests the fierceness of the struggle 
that raged there, when contending armies fought for the 
empire of the world. The marks of cannon-balls and 
musket-shots are still visible, and the charred timbers 
show that fire was used as an element of destruction 
against the occupants of the building. If Napoleon had 
taken this position in the assault at the opening of the 
battle he would have won the day, and Europe would 
have been once more at his feet ; it is the most im- 
portant spot in the history of modern warfare. It is 
well known that a night of storm preceded the day of 
battle. The rain fell in torrents. The morning dawned 
heavily, and it was far in advance before the artillery 
could be moved ; the wheels of the gun-carriages sank 
to the axle. The Emperor was on the field early ; he 
was not cheered by the sun of Austerlitz, but the 
great soul shone out in full splendor. Never had his 
genius been more supreme ; the light of anticipated 
victory illumined his face. He sat at a table with 
the map of the field spread before him, and explained 
to Soult and Ney his plan of battle ; it has been pro- 
nounced perfect by the greatest soldiers of the world. 
The allied army, under the command of Wellington, 
had already taken its position ; its right wing, drawn 
out behind Hougomont, was protected by a thick wood, 
while its left rested on a farm of La Haye Sainte. The 
farm of Mont St. Jean was the exact centre of the Brit- 
ish line ; their advanced lines were formed on the crest 
of the hill, while a large proportion of the troops were 
protected by the sloping ground back of it from the 
destructive fire of the French artillery. The configura- 
tion of the field was such that the allied army stood on 
ground somewhat more elevated than that where the 
French lines were formed. Victor Hugo describes the 
Emperor as he appeared on the field at the dawn of June 
the 1 8th : 



58 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

" Before we show him, all the world has seen him. The 
calm profile under the little hat of the Brienne school, the 
green uniform, the white facings concealing the decorations, 
the great-coat concealing epaulets, the red ribbon under the 
waistcoat, the leather breeches, the white horse with its hous- 
ings of purple velvet, having in the corners crowned N^s and 
eagles ; the riding-boots drawn over the silk stockings, the 
silver spurs, the sword of Marengo ; the whole appearance of 
the last of the Caesars rising before every mind, applauded 
by some, and regarded sternly by others." 

When the first gun was fired, the cannon-shot that 
opened the battle, the English general, Colville, drew out 
his watch and saw that it was twenty-five minutes to 
twelve ; the precious hours of a summer morning had been 
lost. The Emperor had the previous day defeated the 
Prussians at Ligny, preventing a junction with Wellington ; 
Marshal Grouchy had been sent in pursuit of them with 
thirty-two thousand men and one hundred and ten guns. 
His orders were to keep between Blucher and the British 
army, which the Emperor was about to attack. The battle 
opened with a furious assault upon Hougomont by several 
divisions under the command of the Emperor's brother, 
Jerome, and a terrific and long struggle followed. The 
combatants on both sides fought with desperate courage ; 
the English that held the chateau could not be driven out ; 
they defended it with heroic resolution against the furious 
valor of the assailants. But the French took the wood 
that skirted the chateau, and drove back the wing of the 
allied army that rested there, and held the position to the 
end of the battle. Meanwhile the engagement became 
general ; the fighting along the whole line was furious. 
Wellington found it necessary to strengthen the centre of 
his line ; the advancing masses of the French threatened 
to break it. The Emperor at this time saw on his right, 
at a distance, a body of troops approaching ; he supposed 
it was Grouchy coming up to effect a junction with him, 



THE BATTLE. 59 

but an officer sent to observe them, returning, reported 
them to be Prussians, under the command of Bulow. 
The Emperor detached three thousand cavalry and ten 
thousand infantry to hold Bulow in check. At five 
o'clock the Emperor sent an order by Bernard to Ney 
to take the plateau at La Haye Sainte. The Marshal 
placed himself at the head of the cuirassiers. That power- 
ful body of men, splendidly mounted, advanced at a swift 
trot ; not a plume fluttered on their steel helmets, not an 
ornament visible on their wrought-iron breast-plates, and 
as they gained the summit of the slope they dashed in 
an impetuous charge upon the columns drawn up before 
them ; the steady squares reeled, yielded ; La Haye 
Sainte was taken, guns were captured by the cuirassiers, 
and six stands of colors were laid at the feet of the Em- 
peror as he sat on his horse at La Belle Alliance, over- 
looking the field. At the same moment the Prussians, 
under Bulow, were repulsed. It seemed that the field 
was won ; the Emperor's eyes shone with the old light of 
victory. The Duke comprehended the full extent of his 
danger, but he sat his horse steady, inflexible, and with 
supreme courage. His troops slowly receding before the 
advancing masses of the French, officers of his staff 
falling at his side, shells bursting at his feet, he held his 
position ; he felt that the fate of Europe would be decided 
upon that field ; he rose to the height of grandeur as he 
confronted the advancing hosts that were pressing his 
yielding columns back upon him. Gordon was killed by 
his side, and Hill, comprehending the danger of his chief, 
said : " My lord, what are your instructions, and what 
orders do you leave us if you are killed ? " " Do as I am 
doing," Wellington answered. Picton was already killed 
by a musket-ball through the brain ; he commanded the 
left wing until he fell. Wellington felt the charge of the 
cuirassiers ; he could not restrain the expression of his 
tribute to their impetuous courage, but he was unshaken. 



6o POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

He took out his watch to see how much of the day was 
left ; it was five o'clock, and it is said he uttered the 
words : " Night, or Blucher." At this moment, when 
the French had taken the greater part of the field, and 
it seemed that even English valor and strength must give 
way, a Prussian corps, under Zeither, reached the field, 
and another corps, commanded by Pirch, was seen ap- 
proaching. The Emperor sat on his white horse and 
swept the field with his glass ; he observed what was 
taking place, and saw what he had yet to do to complete 
his victory. The centre of the British line stood firm, 
the Iron Duke behind it. Grouchy was nowhere to be 
seen, but fifty thousand fresh Prussian troops, bringing a 
hundred and twenty guns, had taken position on the 
right flank of the French columns. It was seven o'clock, 
suddenly the sun shone out, gilding the standards and 
arms of the contending armies. Still the Emperor was 
looking for the light of victory ; courage sat on his 
laurelled brow ; out of thirty pitched battles, the greatest 
that had been fought, he had lost but one. The fate of 
Europe was at stake ; here he could not fail. Caesar had 
his Tenth Legion, the Emperor had his Imperial Guard. 
They were accustomed to appear with their eagles when 
a hard-fought field was to be won by a decisive blow ; 
twenty times had the Emperor seen them break the lines 
that had resisted every other assault ; twenty times had 
he seen them bear the fortunes of the empire with them 
to the field, where contending hosts struggled for the 
mastery, and as often returned with the captured stand- 
ards of the enemy. They were drawn up near him ; he 
threw a glance along their lines ; every eye was fixed 
upon him. He called Ney to his side and spoke with 
him for a moment ; he then gave the Marshal the order 
to lead the guard : Ney dashed to his position. The 
Emperor rode at the head of the column to the rising 
ground where they were to make their last charge ; then. 



VICTOR HUGO QUOTED. 6 1 

turning to the Guard, with a glance of victory, he gave 
the command to Ney. The Marshal drew his sword, 
saluted the Emperor, and gave the order to advance. 
Along the whole line a prolonged shout of " Vive VEm- 
pereur ! " broke forth ; it was heard all over the field. 
Then the Guard moved forward, every division under the 
command of a general, and all led by a marshal of 
France, who bore the title of the Bravest of the Brave. 
The level rays of the setting sun beamed on their eagles 
as they advanced with unparalleled intrepidity, under a 
terrific fire from the English guns ; victory was about to 
alight upon their standards. At this moment the right 
wing of the French army was broken by the weight of 
the Prussian troops, and the cavalry spreading over the 
field threw everything into confusion. The reserve of 
the English cavalry was now hurled against the French 
columns. Ney held the Guard steadily under the im- 
petuous assault ; four horses were successively killed 
under him, but with his head bared, his sword broken, 
his uniform unbuttoned, one of his epaulets cut by a 
sabre, he mounted his fifth horse, soon after killed under 
him, dared and defied death. Never had he been so 
magnificent ; the Guard disdained to yield, but with 
thinned ranks and borne down by overwhelming numbers 
they fell back as darkness settled upon the field. 
Victor Hugo says of this disastrous day : 

" Was it possible for Napoleon to win the battle ? We an- 
swer in the negative. Why ? On account of Wellington, on 
account of Blucher ? No ! On account of GOD. Bonaparte 
victor at Waterloo did not harmonize with the law of the nine- 
teenth century. Another series of events was preparing in 
which Napoleon had no longer a place ; the ill-will of events 
had been displayed long previously. It was time for this vast 
man to fall ; his excessive weight in human destiny disturbed 
the balance. . . . Napoleon had been denounced in in- 
finitude and his fall was decided. Waterloo is not a battle, but 
a transformation of the universe." 



62 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

I do not propose to controvert Victor Hugo's solution 
of Waterloo by an intervention of an overruling Provi- 
dence, but I do say that the conquerors made a most un- 
generous use of their triumph. After the overthrow of the 
only man who could fix a limit to the aggression of abso- 
lute rule, they proceeded to construct a new map for 
Europe. The Congress of Vienna, representing the great 
powers, divided the spoils of victory with an utter disre- 
gard of the interests, the wishes, or the sentiments of the 
people. That they might not be disturbed in the enjoy- 
ment of their possession they banished Napoleon from 
Europe, imprisoned him on a barren rock, in an unwhole- 
some climate, south of the equator, where vessels from 
Europe only touched in passing, opposite the coast of 
Africa. If we concede their right to dethrone the Em- 
peror, to strip him of his power, to disband his armies, 
and to place him upon his feet on the soil of France after 
restoring to the throne Louis XVIIL, who dared not face 
the man of the people, I deny their right to proceed 
further. They transcended the traditions of civilized 
warfare, the laws of nations, and the eternal law of 
humanity in seizing the person of Napoleon and consign- 
ing him to life-long imprisonment. Yet the hand of 
destiny emblazoned his fame on the rock of St. Helena 
in sublime coloring. He was the modern Prometheus 
chained to a rock, while vultures fed on his heart, but all 
the coming centuries will know that despots, who feared 
to leave him at large, forged the chains that bound him. 
In vain did he appeal to England, as Themistocles to the 
most generous of his enemies. The prince who filled the 
place of a sovereign of that greatest of kingdoms, ener- 
vated, vain, incapable of sympathy with such grandeur, 
did not dare to raise his voice in his behalf. 

We drove over the field, visiting the points of interest 
and recalling the most important movements of the con- 
flict. The mound of the Belgic lion, two hundred feet 



BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF THE FIELD. 



63 



high, is a good station for surveying the field. We 
mounted to the top by a flight of steps and saw, spread 
out at our feet, the battle-ground, destined to vie in in- 
terest with Plataea, Chaeronea, and Marathon. 

We returned to Brussels, and as we entered the city the 
golden rays of the descending sun were touching the tops 
of the tall trees in the park. 




CHAPTER VIII. 

A Visit of the French Ambassador, Marquis de Rumigny — Sir Hamilton 
Seymour, English Minister — Visit to Paris — Louis Philippe — Mr. Led- 
yard, United States Charge d'Affaires — Chamber of Deputies — M. 
Guizot — Reception by M. Guizot — Lord Cowley, English Ambassador 
— Dinner at the Palace — Baron Humboldt. 

I WAS seated in my office engaged in reading, at an 
hour somewhat earlier than visitors make their calls, when 
I heard the bell at the front door ring, and a moment 
later, to my surprise, Antoine entered, ushering in the 
Marquis de Rumigny, Ambassador of France. I rose 
instantly to receive my distinguished visitor, and insisted 
that he should allow me to conduct him to my reception 
room on the floor above, it being the custom in Brussels 
to arrange the drawing-rooms on the second floor of the 
residence ; but the Marquis took a seat and preferred to 
stay where he found me, as he had called to make an 
informal and friendly visit. He sat for some time con- 
versing in the most agreeable way, and said that he had 
called to say that I must go out more frequently, that I 
must not indulge the habits of a student, but take part in 
the affairs of society. I replied that I had paid my official 
calls, and proposed to make other visits at an early day. 
" Ah," said the Marquis, " you must visit generally, my 
young friend ; you may as well shut yourself up in a 
closet as to decline seeing people, and I wish to call with 
my carriage and take you with me to make calls, if you 
will allow me. I laughed at the earnestness of the 

64 



THE MARQUIS DE RUMIGNY. 65 

Ambassador in insisting upon this point, and thanked him 
for his friendly interest in me. He said some very pleas- 
ant things, and took leave. The Marquis was already a 
man of distinction at home, past the middle age of life, 
with a charming family, including daughters who ap- 
peared in society and were admired for their grace and 
elegance. Not long after this visit, the Marquis having 
given me notice of his purpose, called with his carriage, 
and we drove to many houses, where he uniformly sent 
in my card with his own. This was so marked a courtesy 
on the part of the French Ambassador that it touched me 
deeply. The rules which govern society in Brussels are 
well settled, and there is rarely an infringement of them 
by well-bred persons. It is the rule that a stranger taking 
up his abode in Brussels for any time longer or shorter, if 
he should wish to enter society, must make the first call ; 
this is done by leaving a card at the house. Those who 
return the call regulate the degree of acquaintanceship by 
simply leaving a card, or a card with a corner turned 
down, or by asking to be admitted to the house. It will 
be understood that the French Ambassador leaving my 
card with his own gave me the entree into the best society 
of Brussels — not limited to ofificial circles. I was much 
amused at an incident that occurred in our drive. I had 
met the Duchess de Beaufort in society, and she had 
shown me very marked courtesy upon my presentation to 
her. I therefore suggested to the Marquis that we should 
leave a card for her. " What for ? " said he ; " she does 
not give dinners." I was much struck with the worldly 
wisdom of the Marquis, and the cards were not left at the 
door of the Duchess. I was receiving a lesson in my edu- 
cation as a diplomatist. I was invited soon after to dine 
with Sir Hamilton Seymour, the English Minister, and 
met a number of interesting people at his house. Lady 
Seymour was a most agreeable person — the finest style of 
an English woman. In person, manner, and culture she 



66 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

would have graced any place. There was nothing of that 
reserve in her manner which chills the warmth of hospi- 
tality, but a natural and cordial kindness which shed a 
charm over the drawing-room, where she presided. Sir 
Hamilton became distinguished as a diplomatist, having 
been advanced to the post of Ambassador to Russia some 
years after I met him in Brussels. He was the representa- 
tive of England at St. Petersburg to whom the Czar spoke 
with so much frankness in regard to the Sultan, describing 
him as " the sick man " of Europe, whose possessions 
might well be distributed among the great powers. Sir 
Hamilton communicated the conversation to his govern- 
ment, and a great sensation was created in political circles. 
The entertainments of Sir Hamilton and Lady Seymour 
were extremely elegant ; no expense was spared in bring- 
ing delicacies for the table from distant points. I observed 
at the dinner, when I had the honor to be present, that 
among other rare things we had ptarmigans, shot on the 
mountains of Scotland. While residing in Brussels I re- 
ceived many attentions from Sir Hamilton Seymour, who 
seemed to regard me with sincere interest as the repre- 
sentative of a nation closely allied to England, and in 
sympathy with the spirit of free government which pre- 
vailed in both countries. 

Some time later I made a brief visit to Paris and took 
apartments at Meurice's Hotel, opposite the Gardens of 
the Tuileries. I found it in every respect a satisfactory 
hotel, and I have made it a home repeatedly since that 
first visit ; as I drive into its hospitable court I am at all 
times warmly welcomed. At the time of my first visit to 
Paris Louis Philippe was the reigning monarch, and Paris , 
was bright and prosperous. The Palace of the Tuileries 
had been much improved by the King, whose taste guided 
in the remodelling of the buildings and in the yard front, 
which was very beautiful when I first saw it. The general 
effect of the Tuileries seemed to me exceedingly grand. 



IN PARIS. 67 

The Place du Carrousel, on the opposite side, interested 
me greatly ; dating from the time of Louis XIV., it 
required the hand of Napoleon to perfect its construction. 
The Triumphal Arch, erected by the Emperor in 1806, is 
a splendid structure ; it is a copy of the Arch of Septi- 
mius Severus at Rome, and consists of a central and two 
smaller lateral arches, each of which, unlike the original, 
is intersected by a transversal arch of equal height. Eight 
Corinthian columns of red Languedocian marble, with 
bases and capitals of bronze support the entablature. 
Upon this is a low attic, crowned with a triumphal car 
and four bronze horses, modelled by Bosio from the famous 
Corinthian horses which were brought from the Piazza of 
St. Mark, at Venice, but which were sent back by the 
allies assembled at Paris after the fall of Napoleon. Upon 
the evening of my arrival in Paris I walked through the 
Gardens of the Tuileries to the Place de la Concorde, one 
of the most interesting spots in Europe. The lights 
shone upon the objects which adorned the place from 
twenty handsome rostral columns bearing lamps and 
surmounted by globes, the allegorical figures representing 
the principal towns of France — Lille, Strasburg, Bor- 
deaux, Nantes, Marseilles, Brest, Rouen, and Lyons ; the 
flashing waters of the fountains ; the obelisk of Luxor 
brought from Thebes, where it was erected 1550 years B.C., 
by Sesostris ; and other works designed to illustrate the 
commerce, wealth, and power of the kingdom. Behind me 
was the Garden of the Tuileries, and looking through the 
Champs Elys^es, I saw the extended lines of lamps on 
either side, meeting, as it seemed, at a distant point where 
the Arc de Triomphe de I'Etoile crowned the summit. 
The political associations connected with the spot crowded 
upon me. 

The next day I called on Mr. Ledyard, Secretary of 
Legation, who in the absence of General Cass, the Minis- 
ter, had charge of the Legation of the United States. 



68 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

General Cass was absent on leave, and was visiting places 
of interest on the Mediterranean Sea, and was extending 
his travels so as to enable him to see the Holy Land. Mr. 
Ledyard was a son-in-law of General Cass, and I found 
him an accomplished gentleman, well fitted for the dis- 
charge of the duties of the important place which he 
filled. He received me very cordially and treated me with 
consideration. He invited me to accompany him to the 
palace on the evening of the King's reception, and pre- 
sented me to his Majesty, Louis Philippe, as the Minister 
of the United States to Belgium. The King received me 
with so warm a welcome that I felt I owed the considera- 
tion shown me to the position I held at the court of 
King Leopold, his son-in-law. The personal appearance 
of Louis Philippe was prepossessing : he was in evening 
dress and without any decorations ; he was six feet in 
height, well proportioned, and with a bearing so natural 
that he relieved a visitor from all sense of constraint. His 
portrait had made me familiar with his face, and I should 
have recognized him anywhere ; his head was of that 
peculiar shape that made it easy to sketch in the illus- 
trated papers of the day, where a pear, with the features 
of the King, was sometimes made to represent him ; but 
the head was finely formed and the face beamed with 
intelligence. His Majesty excelled in conversation ; he 
spoke of his travels in the United States, and showed an 
acquaintance with places that was remarkable. Li reply 
to a question I informed him that I had grown up in 
South Carolina, he said that he had visited Charleston, 
and seemed to know the relation it bore to Columbia, my 
former home. The Queen and several ladies of the royal 
family were seated and engaged in some light embroid- 
ery, which imparted the charm of home life to a circle 
where I had supposed I should find much attention to 
form. In conversation with the King he spoke of the 
United States in terms of high appreciation, and I felt 



LOUIS PHILIPPE, KING OF THE FRENCH. 69 

sincere pleasure in being able to assure him of the friendly 
interest of our government in France, and of the gratifica- 
tion it afforded me to observe an increased prosperity of 
the country since his accession to the throne. It seemed 
to me that France had never, at any period of its history, 
been better governed than under his reign. Louis Philippe 
was eminently fitted for the administration of the govern- 
ment of France ; his high lineage did not dissociate him 
from the people. In his youth he had been educated in 
opinions of advanced liberalism. He was an exile from 
France for many years and travelled extensively, exhibit- 
ing everywhere fine traits of character. The vicissitudes 
to which he was subjected were borne with manliness and 
fitted him for the great part he was destined to play in the 
government of his country. Returning to France in 18 14 
he conducted himself so well that he gained the confi- 
dence of all classes and won the respect of Lafayette. 
Upon the fall of the elder Bourbon dynasty, in 1830, he 
was chosen to fill the throne, with the title of King of the 
French, a title full of significance ; it ignored the claim of 
a sovereign to rule by divine right, and declared that the 
people were the source of power. Many advocated the 
organization of a republican government ; but Lafayette 
settled the popular mind by declaring that the best form 
of government for France was a monarchy surrounded by 
republican institutions. For several years Louis Philippe 
ruled France so wisely that it was supposed the founda- 
tion of the throne was too solid to be disturbed. Later 
the King attempted to restrain the people when they 
demanded a reform in the electoral system, and the revo- 
lution of 1848 drove him from the throne. He fled to 
England, where he died in exile some two years after. He 
owed his fall to the counsels of his Minister, Guizot, a man 
of ability, of integrity, of broad views, but cold and un- 
sympathetic, a Protestant and a Puritan. Upon my visit 
to Paris Louis Philippe was firm in his seat ; the commer- 



yo POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

cial prosperity of France was great ; the kingdom enjoyed 
peaceful relations with the whole world, and all the sources 
of wealth in the nation were steadily improving. The 
dynasty of Louis Philippe had sustained a great shock in 
the sudden death of the heir to the throne, the Duke of 
Orleans, who had been killed by a fall from his carriage 
the previous summer. This splendid young Prince held a 
strong place in the hearts of the people of France. Driving 
out to review some of the troops near Paris on the road to 
Neuilly, a drum attached to the dashboard of the carriage 
broke from the fastenings and fell on the horses ; they ran, 
and the postilion being unable to hold them, the Duke 
rose to his feet and leaped out, falling with much violence 
on the roadside, and receiving injuries from which he 
died in the course of a few hours without recovering con- 
sciousness. 

The ministry of the King was strong, and the adminis- 
tration was successful. At the head of the ministry was 
Guizot ; and Marshal- Soult, reflecting the glories of the 
Empire, was Minister of War. I made a visit to the 
Chamber of Deputies, and heard a speech from Guizot. 
His appearance was striking, tall, slender, with a fine head, 
an intellectual face, dressed in a morning suit of black. 
He ascended the tribune and delivered a speech on a ques- 
tion that, at the time, was of momentous interest ; it was 
in support of a measure giving to the government the 
control of the education of the youth of France. The 
measure encountered the most determined opposition in 
the Chamber, and Guizot urged its adoption with great 
vehemence. An evening or two later I accompanied Mr. 
Ledyard to a reception given by Guizot at his residence. 
It was largely attended, and I was much interested in 
observing the manner of the great minister as he received 
his guests. When a deputy friendly to his measure was 
announced, Guizot advanced and received him with 
warmth ; but when an opponent entered, the minister's 



DINING AT THE PALACE. J\ 

welcome was frigid. Presently Lord Cowley, the English 
Ambassador, entered the room. Guizot advanced to meet 
him, took his hand in both of his own, and evinced so 
much einpressement that Mr. Ledyard, turning to me, said : 
"Ah, there is a reception ! " Lord Cowley, a brother of 
the Duke of Wellington, was a man of striking presence, 
a larger man than his illustrious brother, and thoroughly 
English in person and manner. 

After passing some days in Paris I was about to return 
to Brussels, when, on the day fixed for my departure, I 
received an invitation to dine at the palace on some day 
of the ensuing week ; of course I decided to stay and be 
present on an occasion that promised to be so full of inter- 
est to me. I was much impressed with the honor of the 
invitation ; it took me wholly by surprise, and it was really 
an unusual mark of consideration for me — young, a visitor 
to Paris, and in no way connected with the court. Much 
as I felt honored by the invitation, I found my friend, Mr. 
Ledyard's appreciation of it even greater than my own ; 
he, too, had been invited, and Mrs. Ledyard was to 
accompany him. It really heightened the pleasure with 
which I regarded the compliment when I found Mr. Led- 
yard so much elated by this very marked courtesy. There 
Avas so much to see in Paris that the days added to my 
visit were employed in a way to enable me to accomplish 
far more than I could have done in the time which I had 
allowed myself to stay in a city so full of attractions. 

On entering the reception room of the palace I found a 
number of distinguished guests of the King, whose official 
dinners were occasions of public interest. I was invited 
to take Mrs. Ledyard to the table, and informed where we 
were to be seated, this being a matter of importance at 
royal tables. I was assigned to the distinguished place by 
the side of the Duke de Montpensier, a son of the King, 
who, though just nineteen years of age, had won distinc- 
tion in a late campaign in Algeria, where he received a 



72 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

slight wound in battle. With Mrs. Ledyard on my arm, 
I was advancing to the seat assigned us, but the diffidence 
of my young countrywoman was so great that she hesi- 
tated and took a chair nearer the entrance, and of course 
I acquiesced in her selection. As we took our seats, a 
lady-of-honor opposite to us signified to Mrs. Ledyard 
that we were entitled to a higher place, but I said to my 
friend : " Never mind, we are assured that he that hum- 
bleth himself shall be exalted." It was soon apparent 
that I was right, for the guest immediately next to me was 
Baron von Humboldt, the eminent German scientist and 
traveller. I had met him a few weeks previously at Aix- 
la-Chapelle, and had been presented by him to the Queen 
of Prussia. I enjoyed a conversation with this eminent 
man at the table, and counted myself fortunate in losing 
the distinction of being seated by the side of the Duke de 
Montpensier. It is the custom at royal dinners to place 
seats for the king and queen at the centre of the table, on 
opposite sides, and to assign chairs to the guests on either 
side of them according to their respective rank. Where 
I was seated I had the advantage of seeing the Queen, 
and could observe the King throughout the dinner, who 
was of course an object of interest to me, as I desired to 
study his bearing as a sovereign. 

I was much indebted to Mr. Ledyard for attentions 
during my first visit to Paris, and when I took leave of 
him I felt that I had made a friend whose fine qualities 
entitled him to consideration at home and abroad. 



CHAPTER IX. 

Return to Brussels — Leave of Absence to Visit the United States — Interview 
with the King — Leave for Home via England — Steamship Columbia — 
Arrival at Boston — Visit to Alabama — Montgomery — Return to Brussels 
from the United States — Reception — Visits. 

Some days after my return to Brussels my despatches 
from Washington arrived. I had asked leave of absence 
to visit the United States and accompany my family to 
Brussels, and my request had been granted. I made my 
arrangements to leave, and requested an audience with 
the King before setting out. An hour was appointed for 
my interview with his Majesty, and I drove to the palace, 
where I was received with every mark of consideration. 
At that time the ministers of the United States wore full 
court dress, similar to that in which the diplomatic repre- 
sentatives of England appeared in all interviews with a 
sovereign, except on some occasions, when they were 
invited to a social entertainment, and informed that this 
would not be expected. My interview being formal, I 
wore my full court dress, and I found King Leopold 
dressed in the uniform of a marshal, ready to receive me 
with distinction. The King conversed with me for some 
time, departing from the usual form of ofificial speech, and 
expressed the warmest interest in the affairs of the United 
States. He said that it had been his good fortune to 
intervene between the United States and France, during 
the administration of General Jackson, when, some delay 
having occurred in the settlement of a claim due by the 

73 



74 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

latter government to the former, the President had in his 
message to Congress advised the adoption of very prompt 
action for its enforcement. He proceeded to say that the 
refusal of some of the States to provide for the payment 
of their bonds had been observed with regret by the 
friends of our country in Europe. I was much impressed 
with the remark he made : 

" Your country, Mr. Milliard, is too great to be affected by 
considerations that might weigh with some of the states of 
Europe, whose boundaries are carved out with the sword ; 
your resources are inexhaustible. And you will maintain your 
credit at any pecuniary cost rather than impair the influence 
which you exert upon other nations. You are yet a young 
nation, and your example is already exerting a powerful 
influence in the world." 

I thanked his Majesty for the interest he had expressed 
in the growth and influence of my country, explaining to 
him the structure of the government of the United States, 
which was such as to leave to the several States the con- 
trol of their own financial affairs, and expressed the 
hope that the final result of the controversy, in regard 
to the obligations to meet their engagements, on the 
part of some of the States, would prove to be both 
honorable and satisfactory. In taking leave of the 
King, he was very cordial in expressing his wishes for 
a prosperous voyage and for my return to my residence 
in Brussels. 

It is not easy at this day to describe the state of feeling 
in Europe in regard to the refusal of some of the States 
to meet the payments due on their bonds ; Sydney Smith 
was writing his letters, denouncing in scathing terms the 
repudiation of contracts by some of the States, declaring 
that he had lost all confidence in republican securities, 
and avowing his purpose to sell out his American bonds 
and invest in Turkish three-per-cents. 



A STORMY VOYAGE. 75 

I travelled to London by way of Antwerp. I found 
upon my arrival that my time for making satisfactory 
arrangements for my passage, on board the steamship 
Columbia, which was about to sail for Boston, was so 
limited that I hastened to Liverpool. I barely succeeded 
in securing state-rooms on board the ship. Mr. Stanley 
accompanied me, and all the best places had been engaged 
by Sir Charles Metcalfe, who was going out as Governor- 
General to Canada, for himself and suite. For the first 
twenty-four hours our situation was very uncomfortable, 
but when Sir Charles Metcalfe learned that I was on 
board, he courteously put two of the best rooms that he 
had secured at my disposal. The Columbia went to sea 
on the 4th of March, and we encountered, from the first, 
rough weather ; in mid-ocean we had a gale that blew 
furiously for thirty-six hours, the sea breaking over the 
vessel so that it was impossible to go upon deck, and we 
were shut up in our cabin as completely as if we were 
making a submarine voyage. It was remarked, too, that, 
notwithstanding the violence of the gale, the sun was 
shining brightly. Upon approaching Halifax we were 
met by a snowstorm, and the sea was so rough that we 
found it difficult to effect a landing. I was interested in 
observing Halifax ; the city is handsomely built, and the 
dockyard is very fine. Having touched there but a short 
time, we sailed for Boston, Sir Charles Metcalfe and his 
suite continuing their voyage to that port. Captain Jud- 
kins commanded the Columbia, and we all felt indebted 
to him for his fine seamanship and attentions to us 
throughout our stormy voyage. We had on board 
Russell, the famous vocalist, who sang for our entertain- 
ment in the midst of the rough sea, with great effect, his 
song, " The Ship on Fire." Upon our arrival at Boston, 
Sir Charles Metcalfe honored me with an invitation to 
dine with him at his hotel, but I declined to accept the 
courtesy, as I was impatient to reach my home in the 



']6 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

South. There are occasions in life when one feels that he 
should say with adoring gratitude : " What shall I render 
unto the Lord for all his benefits towards me ? I will 
take the cup of salvation and call upon the name of the 
Lord." Such was my sense of divine goodness, when, 
upon my return, after an absence of some months from 
home, I found my family, kindred, and friends all well 
and bright and happy. 

After a brief visit to Montgomery, that young, pros- 
perous, and beautiful city, where the happiest years of 
my life had been passed, I returned to my post, accom- 
panied by my family. On the 4th of May I sailed from 
New York in the Stephen Whitney, commanded by Captain 
Thompson, and after a delightful voyage arrived at 
Liverpool. We proceeded immediately to London, and 
made a brief stay there, enjoying sight-seeing. On Sun- 
day we attended divine service at City Road Chapel, Mr. 
Wesley's church, and were awakened to enthusiasm by 
the finest congregational singing we had ever heard. 
There was no organ, but the vast congregation rose to 
their feet, and, led by a precentor, sang with a good 
spirit, and the volume of song swelled and rolled in 
harmony and power to the throne of God. We took 
passage on board the steamer for Antwerp, and found 
it thronged with tourists, setting out on their summer 
travel on the Continent. An incident occurred that 
was both annoying and amusing. I had engaged a 
state-room for my family ; but some hour or two before 
they were ready to occupy it, it was invaded by Lady 
Bloss, of Ireland, in spite of the remonstrances of the 
stewardess, who informed her that it had been set apart 
for the American Minister. Her ladyship was so bent 
upon holding possession that she seated herself on the 
floor and refused to yield. The captain of the steamer, 
upon being informed of the state of affairs, promptly 
put at my disposal his own elegant room on deck, 



BACK IN BRUSSELS. jy 

the most delightful place on the ship for passing a night 
at sea. 

I observed the Prince of Leiningen, son of the Duch- 
ess of Kent, by her first husband, the hereditary Prince 
of Leiningen, on board ; he had his bed spread on deck, 
and passed the night in the open air. 

We arrived in Antwerp in the morning, and as we 
approached the dock the captain of the steamer dis- 
played flags in honor of my presence on board. An 
officer from the custom-house came on board and placed 
his mark on my trunks, which entitled them to delivery 
without inspection. After a short ramble through the 
fine old town, we took our departure for Brussels, and 
arrived at the depot, where we found Antoine awaiting 
us with our carriage. He was really happy to see me 
once more, and welcomed my family as warmly as if he 
had been brought up in our service in our own Southern 
home. In entering our residence we found everything in 
order, and enjoyed the pleasant surroundings. The 
brightness of a midsummer day gave a cheerful aspect to 
the city ; our walk in the park in the afternoon was 
through shaded avenues thronged with people, who 
made that fashionable promenade their daily resort for 
recreation. 

The members of the Diplomatic Corps received us with 
gratifying marks of interest, and we soon felt at home in 
Brussels. 

The reception of the King and the Queen at the palace 
was very pleasing to us, and throughout our stay in Brus- 
sels they honored us with attentions which evinced a 
friendly interest in us personally. The Queen was very 
attractive in person and manners, and her amiable and 
beautiful traits of character shone out in even formal 
court receptions. As we sometimes saw her with her 
two sons and her daughter Carlotta, she was the imper- 
sonation of the qualities which are so charming in a 



78 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

woman who seems to forget her royal station and adorns 
the family circle over which she presides. 

The King was a Protestant, and attended divine service 
conducted by an English clergyman, who was recognized 
as the King's chaplain. The Queen was accustomed to 
attend service at the Cathedral of St. Gudule, the finest 
church in Brussels. It is a beautiful Gothic structure, 
which was completed, except the towers, in 1273, the 
towers being finished in 15 18. The beautiful stained- 
glass windows are the finest I saw in Europe. Statues of 
the twelve apostles are placed against the pillars in the 
nave of the church, and are very impressive. The music 
is splendid, and the service gorgeous. An ofificer, whose 
duty it is to preserve order, treads the aisles in rich uni- 
form, bearing a halberd with a gleaming point, which he 
lowers as the mass reaches the climax and the host is 
elevated, kneeling, and saluting by touching the marble 
floor with the gleaming point of the spear. In this 
church I have been present when the Queen has attended 
divine service, not occupying the throne set apart for her, 
but seated on a chair in the midst of the people. I en- 
joyed the splendid ceremonial, and was much impressed. 
The rich vestments of the ministering priests, the burst 
of music from the choir in response to the ascription of 
prayers from the distant altar, the smoke of incense 
ascending to the vaulted roof, and the light streaming 
through the divinely painted windows, — all blended into 
rare harmony made a picture of wonderful coloring and 
beauty. The pulpit is of finely carved wood, and is an 
elaborate work of art, representing Adam and Eve driven 
out of paradise, surmounted by the Virgin Mother hold- 
ing the infant Saviour, whom she is aiding to thrust a 
spear into the head of the serpent. Some of the monu- 
ments are magnificent, especially those erected to the 
Dukes of Brabant ; and a striking one to Count de 
Morode, a hero of the Revolution of 1830, representing 



VISITS AND EXCURSIONS. 



79 



him as he fell in battle, wearing a blouse and holding a 
pistol, is one of the finest pieces of art in Belgium, by 
the famous sculptor Giefs. 

Visits in the city and excursions to the environs were 
much enjoyed by us ; the summer was in its full splendor, 
and the places within reach were full of interest. 




CHAPTER X. 

Visit of the Queen of England and Prince Albert to Brussels — Popular Re- 
ception — Dinner at the Palace — Prince Albert — Lord Aberdeen — Lord 
Liverpool — Interview with Count de Briey, Minister of Foreign Affairs. 

An event of great interest occurred : her Majesty, 
Victoria, Queen of England, with Prince Albert, attended 
by Lord Aberdeen, Lord Liverpool, and other distin- 
guished persons made a visit to the King and Queen of 
the Belgians. Everything contributed to make the arrival 
of the royal party as pleasant as possible : the weather 
was perfect ; Brussels received the visitors with a display 
of heartiness as sincere as it was magnificent ; the streets 
leading to the palace were thronged with people eager to 
see her Majesty, and cheering with enthusiasm as the 
coach that bore her and Prince Albert advanced through 
the dense ranks, followed by carriages occupied by her 
suite, and others in the line of attendants filled by persons 
of the highest rank. It was a splendid picture ; the impos- 
ing spectacle being heightened by the military escort, com- 
posed of the finest troops of the kingdom. The park was 
filled with thousands who enjoyed the advantage of see- 
ing the royal party enter the grounds of the palace. 

I had the honor of being present at a state dinner given 
to her Majesty and Prince Albert in the palace. Before 
the dinner was served the invited guests were presented 
to Queen Victoria, and the Diplomatic Corps enjoyed 
the privilege of preceding others in this august ceremony. 
Her Majesty received me with distinction as the rep- 

80 



QUEEN VICTORIA VISITS BRUSSELS. 8 1 

resentative of the United States. She was young, happy, 
and animated, and appeared to great advantage ; her per- 
son was sHght, but graceful and rounded ; her features 
were pleasing, and she gave a gracious reception to those 
who were presented to her. Prince Albert was one of the 
finest-looking men I have ever met ; tall, well formed, 
with regular features, and an air of distinction, he would 
have been admired in any circle. He stopped for some 
time and conversed with M. Quetelet, Director of the 
Observatory, who stood by my side, he having been 
formerly a pupil of this eminent scholar ; the interview 
was cordial and interesting. I have ever since retained 
a vivid impression of Prince Albert, and have regarded 
him with sincere interest and admiration. As Prince 
Consort his position was a most trying one, and the way 
he bore himself throughout his life displayed qualities of 
a very high order. As a man his virtues were striking, 
and as a statesman his influence in public affairs in Eng- 
land was uniformly exerted in the advancement of the 
best interests of the people and of the throne. After my 
presentation I enjoyed an interesting conversation with 
Lord Liverpool, who with the Earl of Aberdeen accom- 
panied the Queen on her visit to Brussels. Lord Liver- 
pool expressed much interest in the affairs of the United 
States, and made himself agreeable personally. The 
dinner was served Math great splendor ; I have never seen 
anything to surpass it in entertainments of that descrip- 
tion. King Leopold attended Queen Victoria to the 
table, and the Marquis de Rumigny, the Ambassador of 
France, the Queen of the Belgians. It was understood 
that the entertainments of King Leopold surpassed in 
splendor those of any sovereign in Europe. 

Many years have elapsed since I took part in that mag- 
nificent entertainment given in honor of the youthful 
Queen of England. The young Prince, who in his manly 

promise stood by her side ; the King and the Oueen of the 
6 "^ 



82 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

Belgians who gave it, so happy and useful in their reign ; 
many of those fair women and honorable men who con- 
stituted that brilliant circle, have gone from the world, but 
I recall the occasion vividly. It is a picture hung in the 
chamber of my memory that still retains the freshness of 
its coloring. Victoria, whose long reign has contributed 
so much to the prosperity and the glory of her empire, 
still survives, and enjoys the loyal affection of her sub- 
jects and the respect of the whole world. 

During the stay of the royal party Brussels was en fete, 
and that city, so full of historical interest, never witnessed 
a more magnificent display in the whole course of dra- 
matic events that have thrown their coloring over the 
beautiful capital, than that which attended the visit of 
the Queen of England. 

Count de Briey was Minister of Foreign Affairs of Bel- 
gium at that time. He was an accomplished statesman 
and comprehended European affairs. I received a note 
from him inviting me to call at the Department of For- 
eign Affairs, stating that he desired to confer with me 
upon a matter of importance. I waited on him the next 
day, and he opened a conversation in regard to Texas. 
That young republic was attracting the attention of the 
statesmen of Europe, and its independence had been 
recognized by France. Belgium had not yet taken that 
step, but was disposed to do so, and the commercial rela- 
tions between the two countries were already important. 
Count de Briey proceeded to say that the respect of his 
government for the United States was such that it would 
do nothing to affect the relations between Belgium and 
Texas which would not meet the approval of my country, 
and he wished to be informed as to the views of my 
government in regard to Texas. It was understood that 
the question of the annexation of Texas to the United States 
was under consideration in both countries, and it was impor- 
tant to be informed as to the policy of the government of 



INTERVIEW WITH COUNT DE BRIEY. 83 

the United States touching this question. He wished me 
to give him my views as to the question, and stated that he 
had reason to believe Mexico was now ready to acknowl- 
edge the independence of Texas, provided that step would 
prevent the annexation of that republic to the United 
States. Would the acknowledgment of the indepen- 
dence of the Republic of Texas with the solemn stipula- 
tion that Texas should not at any future time consent to 
become a State of the American Union prevent annexa- 
tion ? I replied to this direct question frankly ; I said 
that in my judgment such an agreement entered into be- 
tween the two republics would delay the annexation of 
Texas to the United States, but could not defeat it ; that 
annexation was inevitable ; that certain great interests 
drew the two countries toward each other ; that Texas 
was already gravitating toward our country, and nothing 
could even delay its coming to us but some powerful con- 
siderations affecting the status of the young republic very 
deeply. I then said to the minister that I could not 
comprehend the policy of Mexico in withholding the 
recognition of Texas as an independent state when there 
could be no hope of re-conquest ; it would be far wiser to 
acquire the good-will of the state, and secure a friendly 
neighbor. Count de Briey seemed to be impressed, and he 
said to me that he could explain the policy of Mexico. 
That republic had no hope of recovering the lost state, 
but is unalterably opposed to its annexation to the United 
States. " Mr. Hilliard, Mexico would recognize the inde- 
pendence of Texas to-morrow upon the condition of its 
continued existence as an independent republic ; Mexico 
wishes to interpose an independent republic between herself 
and the United States. Mexico fears the growing power 
and aggressive policy of your great nation." This was a 
revelation. The minister went on to say that an eminent 
Mexican statesman was at that time in Brussels, and that 
he had stated the policy of his government with frankness. 



84 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

The object of the interview with me was to obtain, if 
possible, an authentic statement of the policy of the 
United States in regard to Texas before the government 
of Belgium took any decided step in regard to the politi- 
cal status of that young republic. The result of the inter- 
view was that Belgium held the matter up for further 
consideration. Mr. Calhoun was at that time Secretary 
of State in President Tyler's Cabinet, and I promptly sent 
him a full despatch, giving him an account of my inter- 
view with the Minister of Foreign Affairs. 




CHAPTER XL 



Excursion to the Rhine — Liege — Cologne — On the Rhine — Worms — Luther 
before the Great Diet — Luther's Ehn — Heidelberg — The University — 
Return to Brussels. 

The season was beautiful, summer was in its full splen- 
dor, and tourists were making their way to the attractive 
resorts which drew visitors from all parts of the world. 
We decided to pass some weeks in the beautiful country- 
bordering on the Rhine. Our journey took us through 
the country leading to Liege ; it was one vast tract of 
delightful gardens, while streams and mills gave anima- 
tion to the landscape. 

Liege is said to derive its name from the fact of Julius 
Caesar's legions having been defeated here by the inhabi- 
tants, then called the Eburi ; and it has since been distin- 
guished for its warlike character under the rule of its 
ambitious Episcopal princes, but it is now one of the 
finest and most prosperous towns in Europe. Sir Walter 
Scott, in his " Quentin Durward," has given new interest 
to its dramatic history. 

Arriving at Cologne, the beauties of the Rhine opened 
to our view. We found the churches full of interest. 
In one of them is a painting of great interest ; it is the 
famous picture representing the death of St. Peter. He is 
nailed to the cross with his head downward, at his own 
request ; for he said it would be too great an honor to be 
crucified like his Saviour. There is great power in the 
picture. The unfinished cathedral is magnificent, and 

85 



86 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

when completed will be the finest triumph of such archi- 
tecture in Europe. The day before our arrival the King 
of Prussia had laid the corner-stone of a new portal, and 
the building was decorated with banners ; I saw a flag 
flying from an iron crane on one of the unfinished towers 
that is said to have been standing there for three hundred 
years; the structure was begun in 1258. That part of 
the building which is completed is very beautiful, and the 
decorations are rich ; there is nothing of that display of 
cheap ornamentation often observed in ecclesiastical 
structures. The sacred relics shown to visitors are rare, 
and preserved with the greatest care. The skulls of the 
three Magi, who came from the East to worship the infant 
Saviour, are kept in a case of elaborate finish, ornamented 
with gems of priceless value. At that time no railways 
were constructed on the banks of the Rhine ; we took 
passage in a steamboat fitted for the accommodation of 
tourists, and the beautiful scenery of the river was re- 
vealed to us as we ascended the stream. The boat 
touched at places of interest on the banks of the river, 
and stopped at night that nothing might be lost of the 
beautiful scenery. We passed the day on deck, and 
enjoyed under a bright sky the finest views of that 
river of matchless beauty. The fortress of Ehrenbreit- 
stein, opposite Coblentz, was an object of great interest 
to me ; it deserves the name " Honor's Broad Stone." 
The ladies of our party mounted donkeys to climb the 
height on which the fortress is situated, and the view 
repaid us for the fatigue of the ascent. 

The historical interest of Worms attracted us, and we 
visited the place and drove through its environs. Here 
the great Diet was held, where Charles V. presided when 
Luther was summoned to appear before it. We recalled 
the heroic attitude of the great leader of the Reforma- 
tion as he confronted the august council ; and when 
called on to retract what he had written against the 



WORMS — MARTIN LUTHER. 8/ 

authority of the Pope, he replied with unshaken intre- 
pidity, addressing the Emperor : " Since your most serene 
Majesty, and your high Mightinesses require from me a 
clear, simple, and precise answer, I will give you one, 
and it is this : I cannot submit my faith either to the 
Pope, or to the councils, because it is clear as the day 
that they have frequently erred and contradicted each 
other. Unless I am convinced by the testimony of Script- 
ure or by the clearest reasoning, unless I am persuaded 
by means of the passages I have quoted, and unless they 
thus render my conscience bound by the Word of God, I 
cannot and I will not retract, for it is unsafe for a Christian 
to speak against his conscience. Here I stand, I can do 
no other ; may God help me ! Amen ! " We drove a 
mile or two on the road which Luther had travelled to 
Worms, that we might see the spot where he stopped to 
rest before entering the city. An old elm-tree still stands 
to mark the place ; it is very large and an object of venera- 
tion to the inhabitants. The tree is protected by a railing, 
and a placard forbids persons from trespassing on the 
spot ; but I did not feel that it was a violation of the 
spirit of the injunction to cut a small limb as a remem- 
brancer of the place. It was here that Luther was met 
by a friend, who entreated him not to enter the city, say- 
ing that he would be seized and put to death. Even Spa- 
latin, his best friend, the Elector's confidant, sent a special 
courier to him with this message : " Do not enter Worms." 
Luther, undismayed, turned his eyes on the messenger, 
and replied : '' Go and tell thy master that even should 
there be as many devils in Worms as tiles on the house- 
tops, still I would enter it." The peasant women ob- 
served our eagerness to cut a branch from the tree ; with 
wonder they gathered about us, watching us, but said 
nothing, and we drove back to Worms, bearing our cap- 
tured relics with us, not without some apprehension of 
being called to account for our trespass. 



88 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

A place of great interest to us was Heidelberg. It lies 
on the left bank of the Neckar, where that river leaves 
the narrow valley formed by the mountains of the Oden- 
wald, and after a course of some ten miles through a rich 
plain, flows into the Rhine. The scenery is picturesque 
and beautiful : on one side the Konigstuhl towers, and on 
the opposite side stands the beautiful Heilezenberg, the 
view from which extends to the Taunus, the Black Forest, 
and the Vosges, and which was a most important spot for 
the Romans, who erected on its summit a watch-tower, 
commanding the roads from Ladenburg (Lupodunium), 
and from Altripp (Alta-ripa). The hill-sides are crowned 
with vineyards, and the river is spanned by a bridge of 
curious construction. I saw the river and its scenery 
under circumstances which heightened the beauty of the 
landscape. A light shower was falling ; the evening sun 
threw its soft splendor over the landscape, and a rainbow 
arching the stream gave an enchanting aspect to the view. 
I felt disposed for a walk, and ascended the Konigstuhl, 
climbing its difficult sides with labor. I was rewarded by 
seeing the moon rise over the valley stretched at my feet. 
When I returned to the hotel it was quite dark, and I was 
told that I had ascended the highest point in all that region. 

The great university was in a most flourishing condi- 
tion. There were several hundred students and more 
than a hundred professors. The library, besides its great 
number of printed books, was rich in MSS. It had been 
repeatedly plundered, some of its treasures having been 
taken to Rome ; while Napoleon, in his early conquest, 
seeking to enrich Paris, which he proposed to make the 
capital of Europe, by collecting there the finest objects 
of art, and the most valuable books, sent from Heidelberg 
thirty-eight of the most choice MSS. ; but all these spoils 
have been restored to the great library. 

We visited the castle, ruined but still grand, and re- 
called its eventful history ; it is still full of interest, and 



THE RIVER RHINE. 



89 



a walk through the grounds brings back the past glories 
of the spot. Retracing our steps we once more sought 
the boat that brought us down the Rhine, which in 
" Childe Harold " is described by that brilliant, restless 
wanderer, whose genius heightened the attractions of 
every spot that he visited : 

" But thou, exulting and abounding river ! 
Making thy waves a blessing as they flow 
Through banks vi'hose beauty would endure forever 
Could man but leave thy bright creation so." 




CHAPTER XII. 

Change in the Belgian Ministry — General Goblet d'Alviella — Arrival of 
Mr. Dangerfield, Minister of the Republic of Texas — Excursion to 
Holland — Mr. William Norris, of Philadelphia — Honorable Christopher 
Hughes, of Maryland, Minister to Holland. 

A CHANGE occurred in the Belgian ministry, brought 
about by some question of domestic policy. A constitu- 
tional government and a free press produce results which 
we witness in all countries where the people assert their 
rights and express their opinions. King Leopold was a 
statesman of thoroughly English ideas of government, 
and his administration was distinguished by wisdom and 
firmness, appealing to the people for the support of the 
throne, rather than to the prerogatives of the crown. A 
Protestant governing a Catholic nation, he maintained his 
own opinions, but recognized the right of the people to 
conduct their ministry and institutions in accordance 
with their traditional sentiments and religious views ; so 
that earnest discussions, rising at times into great ex- 
citement, occasionally disturbed the tranquillity of the 
government. The Catholic clergy naturally sought to 
control the schools, and asserted their authority in all 
questions affecting the education of the people. But 
the fine sense and personal qualities of the King, unsur- 
passed by those of any monarch, guided these tumultu- 
ous contests to a pacific result. Upon the flaming up of 
the Revolution in France in 1848, which subverted the 
throne of Louis Philippe, the father-in-law of King Leo- 

90 



THE TRIUMPH OF THE KING. 9 1 

pold, the people of Belgium caught the spirit of revolt, 
and were in full sympathy with France. The people 
threatened to overthrow the government and expel royalty 
from the country. The King met the popular demonstra 
tion with the wisdom and courage which always distin- 
guished him, and maintained his authority by the force of 
his character, without calling upon the army to uphold the 
throne. He authorized his ministry to say to the people 
that he had ascended the throne upon their invitation, in 
the hope of conducting the government in a way to 
advance their prosperity and happiness, and that he was 
ready to abdicate and return to the people of Belgium 
the trust confided to him, whenever they desired to 
resume the power conferred upon him. He mastered a 
revolutionary spirit ; the representatives of the people 
expressed their unshaken confidence in the King, and 
pledged themselves to maintain the authority of the 
throne against domestic violence and foreign invasion. 
The triumph of the King was complete ; he maintained 
his power as a sovereign, supported by a loyal and con- 
tented people, and afforded to Louis Philippe, in his exile 
from France, a retreat in his beautiful Claremont, which 
he still owned — the dearest spot to him in England. 

Count de Briey gave up the portfolio of Foreign Affairs 
on account of some inharmonious feeling in the Cabinet, 
and it was confided to General Goblet d'Alviella. 

A question of importance was submitted to the consid- 
eration of the new Cabinet : Mr. Dangerfield, the Minis- 
ter of Texas, accredited to the French court, came to 
Brussels, and presented his credentials in the hope of 
obtaining recognition from the Belgian government. He 
presented himself to me, and appealed to me to co- 
operate with him in the accomplishment of his object. I 
received him with great cordiality, and was much pleased 
with him, but I did not commit myself to his plan, stating 
that the subject was one of high interest to my govern- 



92 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

ment. Mr. Dangerfield was an accomplished gentleman, 
a native of Maryland, where he had been educated, and 
while yet young had decided to fix his residence in Texas, 
where he soon acquired distinction, and had been called 
into the diplomatic service of the republic. He had been 
warmly received at Paris, and had been instructed to visit 
Brussels, and obtain the recognition of the independence 
of Texas from the Belgian government. He was received 
with courtesy, but not officially, by General Goblet d'Al- 
viella, who heard his appeal for recognition with respect, 
but stated to him frankly that it was important to con- 
sider the construction which Mexico would give to such 
an act on the part of Belgium, a friendly nation, and at 
the same time to ascertain the views of the government of 
the United States in regard to it, as it was understood 
that the annexation of Texas to that country was already 
under consideration. 

Mr. Dangerfield very warmly urged me to relieve the 
Belgian government so far as the claims of the United 
States were involved, by disavowing any purpose of an- 
nexation en the part of my government. I did not feel 
that it was proper for me to do this, having no instructions 
in regard to the subject, and believing as I did that the 
annexation of Texas to the United States would be 
accomplished sooner or later, and in my judgment at 
an early day. Mr. Dangerfield was much disappointed, 
and insisted that the recognition of the independence of 
Texas, so far from hindering the plan of annexation, would 
really facilitate the great measure so earnestly desired by 
many of the leading statesmen of both countries. I de- 
clined to express my views to General Goblet d'Alviella, 
and he would not give any encouragement to Mr. Danger- 
field until he received an assurance from me that it was 
not the purpose of the United States to acquire possession 
of the young republic. Mr. Dangerfield, after passing 
some weeks at Brussels, returned to Paris. 



TOUR THROUGH HOLLAND. 93 

The Diplomatic Corps had observed his presence and 
had become acquainted with the object of his visit to 
Brussels, and were much interested in it, so that when Mr. 
Dangerfield disappeared I was held responsible for the 
result, and one of them remarked with some humor that, 
" No matter what might come about as to annexation, the 
American Minister had certainly devoured the representa- 
tive of the young republic." 

Early in the spring of the following year, Mr. William 
Norris, of Philadelphia, called on me. He had been 
engaged by the Austrian government to perform an im- 
portant service in the railway system of that country, and 
visited Brussels with the view of observing the Belgian 
railway service, which had attained a success so remarka- 
ble that it attracted the attention and won the admiration 
of all who were interested in securing speed, safety, and 
comfort in travelling. Without any special knowledge of 
the subject, I became so interested in it that, when the 
time approached for taking leave of Belgium, I had ob- 
tained, from the proper department, an elaborate statement 
of the system, which I brought home with me, in the hope 
of improving our railway service. Mr. Norris proposed 
that I should accompany him on a tour through Holland, 
where he desired to observe some works recently con- 
structed for engineering purposes, in connection with the 
protection of the country from the invasions of the sea, 
and the draining of some of the great lakes, and I accepted 
his invitation to travel through a country that I so much 
desired to see. I do not propose to give an extended 
account of my brief visit to a country so full of attrac- 
tions, outside of the way of tourists rambling through 
Europe, but I must recall a sketch or two of some places 
and objects which deeply interested me. 

Entering Holland by the way of Breda, I passed a 
night in that place so full of historical interest. Here, 
Charles H. in his exile from England found a safe refuge 



94 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

from the storms that drove him from his country. It is 
strongly defended by works constructed by the ablest 
engineers of an early period as well as of later times. 
The old castle was built in 1350 by Count Henry of 
Nassau ; the modern chateau by William, afterwards the 
III. of England. I found a comfortable hotel of an 
ancient style, where I for the first time enjoyed the 
luxury of sleeping on a Dutch bed of feathers, covered by 
a bed of down. 

Rotterdam interested me greatly. The canals are as 
numerous as the streets, and there is a picturesque com- 
bination of water, bridges, trees, and shipping in the heart 
of the city. I felt for the first time that I was in Hol- 
land. In walking through the city I was impressed by the 
quaint buildings with gables facing the street and over- 
hanging the foundation ; the canals are traversed by 
innumerable drawbridges, opening and shutting to allow 
the passage of vessels ; the carts are put upon sledges 
with barrels of water placed in front, which is jerked out 
through small holes so as to sprinkle the pavements as the 
horse moves and diminish the friction. I observed with 
interest the peculiar shoes of the horses, the wooden sabots 
of the peasants, the brass milk-pails glistening like pol- 
ished armor, the little mirrors fastened in front of every 
window. I found that Rotterdam still maintained its 
extensive and profitable commerce with India, where there 
are important Dutch colonies ; and some of the finest 
merchant ships in the world were drawn up by the sides 
of the great warehouses of the city. It amused me to see 
in front of the windows of my hotel the tall masts of a 
great ship, which was soon to sail for remote parts of the 
East. 

The Hague, the capital of Holland, is interesting 
as the residence of a court, and has some beautiful 
streets, bordered with magnificent houses ; its trees are 
beautiful, and it has the appearance of a city built in 



THE HAGUE AND SCHEVENINGEN. 95 

the heart of an extensive forest. The picture-gallery 
we found filled with the finest works of renowned 
artists. The collection is large, and of its school un- 
rivalled. Paul Potter's Young Bull is justly celebrated ; 
it is certainly a remarkable picture. The animal, large as 
life, seems to breathe, and the perspective is very fine ; it 
is known that when carried by the French to Paris, and 
placed in the Louvre, it ranked fourth in value in that 
splendid collection. It is said that the Dutch govern- 
ment offered Napoleon twenty thousand pounds sterling 
to leave the picture at The Hague. 

I dined with the Honorable Christopher Hughes, 
American Minister to Holland, and was much pleased 
with him ; he had written me before I left Brussels, in- 
sisting that I should pay him a visit, and he welcomed 
me with a warmth that gratified me. Mr. Hughes had 
been in the diplomatic service for many years, surviving 
several administrations, giving satisfaction at every post 
that he filled. He was charming in conversation, and I 
was glad to meet him afterwards when he came to Wash- 
ington on a visit, during my service in Congress. 

I found Scheveningen, a fishing village on the sea- 
shore, distant some three miles from The Hague, an inter- 
esting place. The fishermen drive an active trade, and I 
saw for the first time dogs harnessed, and drawing carts 
filled with fish to the city. It was from this place that 
Charles 11. embarked for England previous to his restora- 
tion. I looked out upon the North Sea, which seemed 
to stretch illimitably before me, as its wild billows dashed 
at my feet. 

I was much interested in a fair held at The Hague dur- 
ing my visit, which attracted the people from all parts of 
Holland. And those who came from Friesland, offering 
their wares for sale, were original in their manners and 
costumes. The head-dress of the women, the gold hoops 
and pendants, and the beautiful lace caps were objects of 



96 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

interest, presenting the ancient style of the country, and 
affording a striking contrast to anything seen in our 
times ; such head-dresses as the women wore are some- 
times valued at several hundred dollars. At one stand 
waffles, sprinkled with powdered white sugar, were served. 
There were great book sales ; some of the books were rare 
and costly. I bought several volumes, among them a 
large edition of Grotius " On the Law of Nations," in 
two volumes, bound in parchment, and several classical 
books. 

I could not pass Leyden without bestowing a few hours 
upon it. Its historical interest is wonderful ; its resist- 
ance to the siege by the Spaniards is unsurpassed for 
heroism in the annals of the world. The Prince of 
Orange was so deeply impressed by the courage and en- 
durance of the citizens that he gave them the choice, as 
a reward for their patriotism, of two privileges : either an 
exemption from certain taxes, or a university, and they 
chose the latter. The university attained the highest 
degree of prosperity and renown, numbering in the list of 
distinguished professors and scholars Grotius, Descartes, 
Salmarius, and Boerhave. I saw on the walls a fine por- 
trait of Arminius, at one time a professor in the university. 

Haarlem with its surroundings I found to be a most in- 
teresting place ; it is associated with music and flowers, and 
the fine country-seats which adorn its suburbs, and the 
great lake near it, are all objects of attraction. We de- 
cided to pass Sunday in the old place, and were richly 
rewarded for staying over. The inn was very good, and 
they served us with plovers' eggs for breakfast — a rare 
luxury. We attended divine service in the great church 
of St. Bavon, where we heard the famous organ with 
nearly five thousand pipes, and enjoyed its immense pow- 
ers. It is a stupendous pile of musical architecture, filling 
the end of the church, reaching to the roof, and supported 
by porphyry pillars. The organ blends sweetness with 



HAARLEM AND AMSTERDAM. 9/ 

power; at times when the instrument, representing the 
storm, poured out its majestic tones, the building seemed 
to tremble. The service was impressive, and when the 
whole congregation stood up to sing, the song heightened 
into sublimity. I observed that Mr. Norris, as well as my- 
self, was deeply moved by the anthem that rose and swelled 
through the vast building like the music of the sea. I 
have since heard criticisms of instrumental music in 
churches, but when I recall that service in the great 
church of Bavon in Haarlem, much as I enjoy congrega- 
tional singing, I would wish to have a great organ to 
guide and sustain it. The flowers of Haarlem pleased me 
by their beauty, fragrance, and profusion ; I saw acres 
covered with them, some rare, and the tulips and hya- 
cinths were the finest I ever saw. I bought some of them 
and threw them into my trunk to show them at home, not 
preserving them in any special way, and I found when I 
reached Brussels, some ten days later, that they were still 
fresh, fragrant, and beautiful. The soil and mode of cul- 
ture in some way produce the finest flowers in the world, 
and the gardens of a great part of Europe are supplied 
from Haarlem. We observed the lake with interest, Mr. 
Norris inspecting the plan for pumping out the water, 
which seemed to be done by an immense screw with 
plates on the sides of an inclined plane placed at a 
proper angle. I did not comprehend how a contrivance 
apparently so simple could discharge from an immense 
lake such volumes of water. The great bed of the lake 
has been converted into arable and pasture land. 

Amsterdam, though it has lost much of the vast com- 
merce that it one time commanded, is yet a great and 
prosperous city, one of the most important in Europe. It 
possesses wonderful interests ; its history, its wealth, and 
its enterprise all distinguish it, and it must continue to be 
one of the great commercial marts of the world. The city 
is built in the form of a crescent, and is divided into two 

7 



98 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

parts by the Amstel, intersected, like Venice, by numer- 
ous canals, which form ninety-five islands, connecting the 
several parts by two hundred and ninety bridges. It has 
numerous and immense warehouses filled with the prod- 
ucts of all countries of the globe. Its dykes, constructed 
with great skill and maintained at immense cost, keep out 
the ocean that threatens to submerge the city. Its pub- 
lic buildings are immense and imposing, some of them 
rising into splendor. I was amused to see hackney- 
coaches without wheels, mounted on a sledge and drawn 
by one horse ; the driver walking by his side, holds 
in one hand a small staff to which is tied a cloth dipped 
in oil, which he drops at intervals under the runners of 
the sledge to diminish friction. The Great Bank of 
Amsterdam, which formerly controlled the exchanges of 
the commercial world, no longer exists ; ships bearing the 
rich products of the East and the West, which still throng 
the wide entrance of the city, are not so numerous as in the 
days of its highest prosperity, but it is still a wonderful 
place ; its great bankers hold an honorable place in the 
circle of the world's capitalists, and are as distinguished 
for their integrity as in the times when states, kings, and 
princes were glad to accept loans from them. The Grand 
ship canal, extending to the distance of fifty miles, is a 
magnificent illustration of the genius, wealth, and enter- 
prise of Holland. Indeed everything that I saw in 
Amsterdam heightened my respect for this wonderful 
people. They defy the invasion of the ocean, they draw 
water from great lakes, and they attract the commerce 
of the world. 

Broek, near Amsterdam, is unlike any other place in the 
world. It is the residence of retired merchants and men 
of business who have amassed fortunes. It is an ideal 
residence, the cleanest village in the world ; there is neither 
horse nor cart road through the place ; its narrow pas- 
sages are like tiled corridors set with ornamental bricks ; 



BROEK AND UTRECHT. 99 

the houses, constructed of wood, are kept freshy painted, 
and their roofs of polished tiles of various colors glisten 
in the sun. The front door and windows of the houses 
are closed except on two occasions : to admit the guests 
at a wedding, and to allow the taking out of a corpse 
for interment. Rooms for the cows are provided near 
the apartments for the family, and the cleanliness in 
the one is as perfect as in the other ; the tails of the 
cattle are tied to hooks in the ceiling, to prevent them 
from becoming soiled and disfiguring their bodies and the 
clean smooth boards of their stalls. 

We returned to Belgium by the way of Utrecht, the 
Trajectum ad Rhenium of the Romans. A delightful way 
of travelling between Amsterdam and Utrecht is to take 
passage in a treckschiiit, a commodious barge, which gives 
a fine view of the country, the banks of the canals being 
lined all the way with country-houses and gardens. We 
ascended the tower of the cathedral, three hundred and 
eighty feet high ; it stands out from the main building, 
and from its summit an extensive and interesting view 
spreads out over almost all Holland and part of Brabant, 
comprehending twenty large towns, among them, Bois 
le Due, Hertogensbosch, Rotterdam, Oude-water, Mont- 
ford, Rheenen, and others. The sexton makes his home 
in the steeple with his family. The university is an ancient 
establishment, and the mint of Holland is here. 

In leaving Holland I felt grateful to Mr. Norris, who 
had induced me to accompany him through a country so 
full of interest, and so unlike the parts of Europe more 
generally visited. I should advise those who go abroad 
for recreation and instruction, to turn away from the 
usual lines of travel, and pass a few days in Holland. I 
recall my visit with intense pleasure. 



CHAPTER XIII. 

Brussels — Mr. Norris — Military Display — Relations of Belgium to the 
Great Powers of Europe — Visit to Paris — The Tuileries — The King's 
Fete Day — Splendid Reception — Royal Family — Cabinet Ministers — 
Guizot — Marshal Soult — Diplomatic Corps — Hotel des Tnvalides — 
Notre Dame — Versailles. 

Brussels was in full beauty ; the parks and boule- 
vards attracted visitors in unusual numbers, and the sub- 
urbs were never more charming. We enjoyed our drives 
greatly ; and the ladies of my family in our open carriage 
visited places of interest in the neighborhood. As a resi- 
dence Brussels was more agreeable than Paris, with which 
city it has often been compared. 

Mr. Norris passed some days with us before his depart- 
ure for Vienna, and we were unwilling to give him up. 
Among the numbers of our countrymen who came to visit 
Brussels, we met no one who was more agreeable to us 
than this friend from Philadelphia. 

I was much pleased to have a visit from Mr. Thurlow 
Weed, who with a party of friends passed a few days in 
Brussels. I found Mr. Weed a most interesting man, and 
he showed his appreciation of my attentions by a gen- 
erous tribute to me in his paper, published in Albany, 
upon my entering Congress a year or two later, 

A splendid military review took place in Brussels, in 
which the troops, consisting of infantry, artillery, and 
cavalry, displayed great skill in training. In no country 
in the world can so large a body of troops be seen equal 



THE BELGIAN ARMY. lOI 

to those of the Belgian army. Belgium, it is well known, 
is the battle-field of Europe, and her soldiers seem to 
possess the qualities that would make them equal in 
modern warfare to those composing the armies of any of 
the great powers. The army of Belgium is, in proportion 
to the actual population of the country, the largest in the 
world ; in clothing and appointments the troops are 
superior to any on the continent. Yet Belgium is recog- 
nized by the great powers of Europe as a neutral state, 
its independence guaranteed and its soil respected, so that 
not even an army of any other kingdom can pass over it 
to reach another point. But the people, as warlike as the 
inhabitants were in the times of Caesar, disdain to acknowl- 
edge that they owe their immunity from invasion to any 
foreign power, trusting to their own valor and strength, 
and acting upon the counsel of Cromwell to the army 
which he had trained to be invincible : " Put your trust in 
God, but keep your powder dry.' 

The season was beautiful, and we decided to visit Paris 
and pass a short time there, embracing the first of May, 
the King's fete day. We enjoyed the journey through 
Belgium and France, travelling in railway cars to the 
boundary between the two countries, where the road 
terminated, and then in the diligence to Paris. The huge 
coach was divided into three compartments — the coup^, the 
int&ieur, and the rotonde, — drawn by five powerful horses 
of the Flanders breed. The turnpike roads were in fine 
order, and the heavy coaches, filled with passengers and 
loaded with mail-bags and boxes of fine merchandise, 
were rolled on their way smoothly, stopping at certain 
stations to be weighed. We found this mode of travel- 
ling very pleasing to us, giving us a view of the country, 
through which we caught sight of country-seats, increas- 
ing in number and exhibiting greater elegance as we 
approached Paris. I engaged handsome apartments for 
my party in a pleasant quarter of the city, and we found 



I02 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

our surroundings satisfactory throughout our visit. We 
took with us from Brussels one of our servants, a German 
girl of excellent qualities, and even accomplishments, and 
thus contributed greatly to our comfort in making our 
excursions through the city and its environs. Mrs. Hil- 
liard and the other ladies of our party enjoyed visits to 
many places of public interest, and found in the picture- 
galleries a source of inexhaustible pleasure. The city 
was thronged with visitors, many persons of distinction 
being present to witness the display on the first of May, 
the fete day of Louis Philippe. 

I enjoyed the honor, as a member of the Diplomatic 
Corps, of being present at the morning reception at the 
palace, and with my friend and colleague, Mr. Ledyard, 
witnessed the brilliant scene. It surpassed any similar 
display at which I had been present. The King, his sons, 
members of the Cabinet, the diplomatic representatives of 
the nations of the world, the eminent statesmen, soldiers, 
and scholars of France, men of rank from every country, 
assembled in the vast saloon called Salle des Mar^chaux. 
Its lofty walls hung with portraits of the living marshals 
of France, Soult, Moncey, Malitor, Grouchy, G6rard, 
Valee, and others, with busts of distinguished generals 
placed around the room, presented a picture far more 
magnificent than could have been seen in any other 
capital in the world. His Majesty received us in our 
turn graciously, inquiring of me in terms of interest of 
affairs in the United States, and recalling my visit to 
him on a former occasion. I observed standing near 
his Majesty his sons — the Due de Nemours, the Due 
d'Aumale, the Due de Montpensier, — the members of his 
cabinet — Guizot, the Premier ; Marshal Soult, Minister 
of War, and others. 

In the line of the Diplomatic Corps I observed that 
the Minister of Greece, who stood by my side, wore a 
court dress so remarkable that it attracted the attention 



AT THE FRENCH COURT. IO3 

of the Due de Nemours. The costume was of Oriental 
style, the long skirts richly embroidered, the loose white 
trousers hanging over his shoes, and the Turkish cimeter 
suspended from his waist. The dress of the Austrian 
Minister was splendid, richly embroidered with gold, and 
a loose hussar jacket hanging from his shoulders. At 
that time American ministers wore a court dress similar 
to that of the English envoys, the coat with the oak leaf 
embroidered in gold on the collar, cuffs, breast, and skirts, 
a small sword by the side. 

Never at any period of her history had France enjoyed 
higher prosperity than under the reign of Louis Philippe, 
and never had a sovereign surrounded himself with abler 
ministers. Guizot would have illustrated any administra- 
tion, and have adorned any reign ; he was a thorough 
scholar and a trained statesman. Such were his abilities 
that while a Protestant of rigid views he was called into 
the service of a Catholic prince, and in a country where 
the Church was jealous of any invasion of its rights, he 
succeeded in controlling the national system of education. 
As a political writer he was the most powerful man in 
France, and controlled the nation by his opinions when 
not in the service of the government. When he appeared 
in England as the Ambassador of France, in 1840, he at- 
tracted great attention, being the first Protestant envoy 
since the time of Sully. When I saw him at the recep- 
tion, in May, 1844, he was in his prime, and displayed 
immense vigor ; tall, slender, erect, his fine head set well 
on his broad shoulders, his features classical, his gray eyes 
expressive of intellectual forcej and his manner grave. 
When not in full dress as a minister of the crown, he wore 
black, his long frock-coat cut in the style of a Prince 
Albert of our time ; and he was always impressive. Un- 
fortunately for the success of his administration he was 
too conservative, and influenced Louis Philippe, already 
too much inclined to yield the rank of France among the 



I04 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

great powers to considerations for the promotion of the 
commercial prosperity of the country, to the adoption of 
measures that touched the pride of the nation. 

There, too, stood Soult, the greatest of Napoleon's 
marshals, in rich uniform, with his grave, severe look, the 
dark eyes still flaming with fire, his face bronzed with 
many campaigns ; over the middle height and strongly 
built. As yet time had not bowed his frame ; he stood 
erect, but limped slightly when he walked, from a wound 
received in the last desperate charge of Massena, leading 
the troops in an assault on Monte Creto. Wounded and 
a prisoner, he lay and heard the storm of battle on the 
field of Marengo until, at the close of the day, his ear 
caught the announcement of victory for Napoleon. He 
was made a Marshal of France by the Emperor, and won 
his confidence so fully that he committed to him the most 
important and difificult enterprises. He commanded the 
right wing of the army at Austerlitz, confronting the two 
armies of Austria and Russia under the personal com- 
mand of their Emperors ; the French army was under the 
eye of Napoleon himself. In that splendid battle of the 
three Emperors at one time, Napoleon sent an order to 
Soult to break the Russian lines, but the Marshal held 
his command ; not long after the Emperor sent a courier 
to Soult with the peremptory order to charge ; still the 
Marshal held his men, and just as Napoleon's third 
courier rode up, Soult led his eager troops to the charge, 
and breaking the centre of the enemy's line carried every- 
thing before him. Later, the Emperor, surrounded by 
his staff, rode up to Soult, and learning that the Marshal 
saw from his position that the Russian army was making 
a false move, weakening its centre, when he received his 
order to advance, he lifted his cap, and said to the Mar- 
shal : " I pronounce you the ablest tactician in the army." 
All the splendid career of Soult rose before me as I 
looked upon him that fair May morning in the Hall of the 



WELLINGTON AND SOULT. 105 

Marshals in the palace of the Tuileries. I had seen 
Wellington a few months previously, and as I stood in 
the presence of the great Marshal of France, I recalled 
the long and desperate struggle between the two com- 
manders in Portugal and in Spain. They were pitted 
against each other for years, and both displayed the 
highest qualities, leading the disciplined troops of Eng- 
land and France with alternate victories and defeats. 
They met again at Waterloo, where Napoleon's genius 
even, of whom Wellington said his presence was equiva- 
lent to forty thousand men, could not save the empire 
from the combined forces opposed to him. All this had 
gone by, and now the Marshal of France, standing in the 
peaceful reign of Louis Philippe, had his brow illumined 
by the light of past triumphs and imperishable historical 
glory. 

Her Majesty, the Queen, received in the evening, sur- 
rounded by the beautiful women, who at that time gave 
an indescribable charm to the court of France. No city 
in the world could have shown so much splendor as we 
saw that May day in Paris, and when evening came on, 
the illuminated houses and the pyrotechnics in the pub- 
lic parks and gardens gave to everything a radiance and 
threw an enchantment over the whole scene. 

We visited from day to day places of interest in Paris 
and the environs, and read the history of France in its 
public buildings, monuments, and picture-galleries. 

The Hotel des Invalides is a magnificent structure. 
Its architecture, its historical associations, its monuments 
and tombs, its magnificent provision for soldiers who have 
served France well, under every dynasty, constitute it 
an object of universal attraction ; from the time of Louis 
XIV. to the close of the imperial reign of Napoleon, it 
has been enriched with trophies and adorned by art, until 
it now surpasses any structure that Rome with its con- 
quering legions ever saw. The remains of Napoleon 



Io6 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

brought from St. Helena in 1840, were deposited here 
with the pomp worthy of the man who ruled France with 
unrivalled majesty, and who bore his victorious standards 
all over Europe. His tomb was not constructed at the 
time of my visit, but has since been completed ; apart 
from its associations it is the noblest sarcophagus in the 
world, being an immense monolith of porphyry resting on 
two plinths which stand on a block of green granite from 
the Vosges. The pavement of the crypt is decorated 
with a crown of marble, in mosaic, within which in a 
black circle are inscribed the names of his most brilliant 
victories: Rivoli, Marengo, Austerlitz, Jena, Friedland, 
Wagram, and Moskowa. As I walked out of the stately 
structure into the esplanade, with its trees, and looked up 
at the gilded dome, surmounted by a cross three hun- 
dred and twenty-three feet in height, I felt that the 
building rose into sublimity. 

The cathedral church of Notre-Dame is a splendid 
edifice, and its historic interest rivals the magnificence of 
its architecture, recalling the temple built on the spot by 
the Romans ; rich with the traditions of early Christian 
times, and to-day exhibiting its Gothic beauties, con- 
secrated as its altar is to the Lord Jesus Christ. The 
interior of the church interested us, but its splendor does 
not equal the exterior. We were shown the coronation 
robes of Napoleon, and recalled the scene when, in the 
midst of the immense throng, and in the very presence of 
the Pope, the Emperor placed the crown on his own 
brow, and then laid the diadem on the head of Josephine, 
who knelt on the steps of the stage. I have seen many 
churches, but Notre-Dame filled my imagination when 
I first saw it, and I have seen nothing to rival it since. 

Versailles with its palaces, its works of art, its gardens 
and its parks with their fountains, basins, and lakes, sur- 
passes in magnificence anything which royal taste and 
unlimited expenditure of money could construct in an- 



HISTORIC VERSAILLES. lO/ 

cient or modern times ; its historic interest is great, and 
it contains objects associated with the glory of France, 
which illustrate its annals from the splendid reign of 
Louis XIV. to that of Louis Philippe, who had exhibited 
the utmost regard for the preservation of its splendor, 
enriching its galleries of art by a generous expenditure 
of money and by his fine taste. I will not dwell upon 
details where objects of interest are so numerous, but I 
cannot omit some notice of those that attracted me most. 
Very many of the paintings illustrated the reign of Louis 
XIV., but I was much more interested in those of a later 
period. In the Grande Salle des Gardes there is David's 
great picture of the Coronation of Napoleon ; it is splen- 
did. The attitude of the Emperor and the posture of 
Josephine, the classical treatment of the scene, and the in- 
describable splendor of the accessories are very impressive. 
We did not see the Grandes Eaux playing — a very fine 
sight, usually exhibited on Sunday, and which costs an 
outlay of some two thousand dollars on every occasion. 
Of all the buildings, I admired most Le Grand Trianon, a 
royal mansion at the extreme end of the park of Versailles, 
built by Louis XIV. for Madame de Maintenon. It was 
the favorite residence of Napoleon. The building con- 
sists of one story and two wings united by a long gallery 
and fronted with magnificent coupled Ionic columns and 
pilasters in Languedoc marble ; it is in the Italian style. 
We were shown through the apartments, which contain 
some beautiful objects of art. 

In one of the rooms the usher pointed out a richly 
furnished bed, saying: "It is the King's." I asked: 
** Where 's the Queen's ? " " The same," he replied. The 
Grande Galerie is a fine room, one hundred and sixty 
feet long, full of paintings of great merit, and some rare 
and precious vases. In one of the apartments I observed 
two splendid candelabra, a circular table of green mala- 
chite and ormolu, presented to Napoleon by the Emperor 



io8 



POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 



Alexander on the occasion of the treaty of Tilsit. We 
left Versailles with an impression of its magnificence 
which no royal residence seen by us had made. We 
found attractions every day during our stay in Paris, and 
could have lingered for weeks if my official duties had 
not recalled me to Brussels. Looking back through 
the vista of years I see Paris in all its brightness ; I recall 
a visit when surrounded by the members of my family 
we enjoyed the scene outspread before us without a 
single cloud to darken it, and it will always be remem- 
bered as one of the happiest in my life. Time with its 
effacing fingers can never destroy the lines of a picture 
hung in the chambers of memory, where the forms of 
those so dear to me appear in a setting so beautiful. 




CHAPTER XIV. 

Brussels — Official Duties — Announcement from Washington of the Appoint- 
of Mr. Calhoun as Secretary of State — Dinner at the Palace of Laeken — 
Dinner at Mr. Waller's, English Secretary of Legation — Evening Re- 
ception at the Palace — Letters from Home — Resignation — Departure 
from Brussels. 

Brussels has often been compared with Paris, and 
some really prefer it as a residence. It is not so bril- 
liant, but it possesses advantages which make it a home 
of unsurpassed attractions ; the climate is delightful, the 
society charming, and the environs are attractive. We 
found our residence in perfect order upon our return from 
Paris, and the faithful Antoine stood ready to welcome us. 

My official duties interested me, and a correspondence 
took place with the Minister of Foreign Affairs in regard 
to the construction of the new Belgian tariff, involving the 
liability of tobacco already stored in the entrepots of the 
kingdom to the increased rates laid upon incoming ship- 
ments. By a provision of existing laws the importer 
might store the tobacco in an entrepot without the pay- 
ment of duties in case of re-shipment, but if taken out for 
sale in the country it became subject to the payment of the 
taxes. A large quantity of American tobacco was stored 
chiefly in Antwerp, and when some of it was put on the 
market the authorities decided that it must pay the in- 
creased rates fixed by the new tariff. In behalf of the 
American shippers I claimed that the tobacco having been 
shipped to Belgium, under the previous law, had acquired 

109 



no POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

the right of sale in that country, under its provisions ; to 
this it was replied that the tobacco stored might be 
removed and exported without the payment of any duty. 
But I insisted that one of the inducements to ship our 
tobacco to Belgium was the liberal provision of the law in 
regard to storage, and the privilege of putting it upon the 
market at any time, paying the rate laid upon the article 
at the time of entering the port. The government yielded 
the point, and I had the satisfaction of receiving from the 
administration at Washington a decided expression of its 
appreciation of my treatment of the question. 

Mr. Webster decided to leave the Cabinet of Mr. Tyler. 
Upon the inauguration of General Harrison the Cabinet 
had been formed, consisting of some of the ablest mem- 
bers of the Whig party, and Mr. Webster had accepted 
the place of Secretary of State. The others were : Thomas 
Ewing, Secretary of the Treasury ; John Bell, Secretary 
of War; George E. Badger, Secretary of the Navy; 
Francis Granger, Postmaster-General; John J. Critten- 
den, Attorney-General. General Harrison lived but a 
month after his inauguration, but before his death he 
had issued a proclamation convoking the Congress in ex- 
traordinary session, for the 31st day of May ensuing. 
The session proved to be an eventful one ; the bill pro- 
viding for the establishment of a national bank was 
passed, under the lead of Mr. Clay, and met the disap- 
proval of the President ; Mr. Clay was indignant, and 
there was a general feeling of dissatisfaction in the ranks 
of Whig Senators and Representatives at the President's 
course. Another measure similar, if not identical, with 
the first, was adopted, but it failed to meet the President's 
approval. The members of Mr. Tyler's Cabinet, with the 
exception of Mr. Webster, who was prevailed on to 
remain, two days after the second veto message, on the 
nth day of September, sent in their resignations. Mr. 
Webster published in the National Intelligencer his reasons 



MR. WEBSTER LEAVES THE CABINET. Ill 

for not joining in that step with his colleagues ; it was his 
wish to organize an institution under the authority of 
Congress to aid revenue and financial operations, and to 
give the country the blessings of a good currency and 
cheap exchanges ; he looked to the union of the Whig 
party, the whole party, the Whig President, the Whig 
Congress, and Whig people for the realization of that 
object ; and, he added, " if I had seen reasons to resign my 
of^ce, I should not have done so without giving the 
President reasonable notice, and affording him time to 
select the hands to which he should confide the delicate 
and important affairs now pending in this department." 

Lord Ashburton had recently arrived, empowered to 
negotiate for the settlement of certain important ques- 
tions affecting the relations between the United States 
and England. It was fortunate for the country that Mr. 
Webster retained his seat in the Cabinet ; in the negotia- 
tions which were conducted with Lord Ashburton he ren- 
dered the most important services to the nation, and won 
new lustre for his own great fame. Feeling, at length, 
that he might retire from the Cabinet, he did so, and Mr. 
Upshur, of Virginia, was appointed his successor, who, 
after a brief term of service, was killed, with several other 
distinguished men, by the explosion of a gun on board 
the steamer man-of-war Princeton. Mr. Calhoun was pre- 
vailed on to give his great abilities to the support of Mr. 
Tyler's administration, and accepted the post of Secretary 
of State. I had enjoyed the confidence of Mr. Webster, 
and my relations with Mr. Calhoun were in every respect 
satisfactory. It was my privilege to co-operate with him 
in giving success to measures for the annexation of Texas 
to the United States. 

At the palace at Laeken a splendid dinner was given in 
honor of the Duke de Saxe and Princess Clementine, the 
daughter of Louis Philippe, who had just been mar- 
ried in Paris and were making a brief visit to the King 



112 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

and Queen of Belgium. The guests seated at the table 
were persons of high rank, including several members of 
the Diplomatic Corps. Baron James Rothschild, the emi- 
nent banker of Paris, was also present. The occasion was 
one of unusual interest ; the Duke and Princess were both 
young, about the same age, and were on their wedding 
tour. Years afterwards I met one of their sons in Rio de 
Janeiro ; he had married a daughter of the Emperor of 
Brazil. 

The season at Brussels was bright, and the hospitality 
was profuse and elegant. We had received, from the 
time of our taking up our residence in Brussels, marked 
attentions from Sir Hamilton and Lady Seymour, of the 
English Embassy, and many of the En'glish residents 
who seemed to regard us kindly, not only from personal 
considerations, but on account of our American relation- 
ship to their own people. 

Mr. Waller the English Secretary of Legation, was an 
interesting man, and lived with elegance ; we had ac- 
cepted an invitation to dine at his house, but on the 
morning of the appointed day Mrs. Hilliard was some- 
what indisposed ; still hoping that she would be well 
enough by evening to go out, we had not sent a note to 
excuse ourselves. It so happened that Mrs. Hilliard was 
suffering too much to go with me, and I entered the 
drawing-room of Mr. Waller alone ; he received me very 
cordially, but was distressed at the absence of Mrs. Hil- 
liard. I explained that her indisposition had been so 
slight in the morning that we had not excused ourselves, 
but that it had increased in the evening, and that I was 
compelled to come alone. Mr. Waller was really un- 
happy, and asked if I objected to sitting at a table with 
thirteen persons, alluding to the superstitious feeling so 
strongly entertained by so many people. I replied pleas- 
antly that fortunately nothing of that kind troubled me, 
but I regretted to occasion a contre-temps. The dinner 



SAD INTELLIGENCE FROM HOME. II3 

proved to be most agreeable, and I heard nothing of any 
disaster following. 

An evening reception was given by the King and Queen 
at the city palace, and I was present, accompanied by 
Mrs. Hilliard. The scene was brilliant, as the entertain- 
ments at the royal palace were at all times, and the sup- 
per was a feast of splendor. In the course of the evening 
we enjoyed a conversation with the Queen, who was 
surrounded by the ladies of the court, and had her chil- 
dren, the Due de Brabant, Comte de Flandres, and 
Carlotta, the young and beautiful child, destined to be 
the wife of Maximilian, and Empress of Mexico. Her 
Majesty kindly inquired about our own children, three, 
and of corresponding ages with her own. 

We drove from the palace at a late hour, and upon 
reaching home I found a heavy mail awaiting me. One 
of m)^ letters conveyed to me the sad intelligence of the 
death of my brother-in-law. Dr. William W. Waddel, who 
had married my only sister ; he was a son of that eminent 
man, the Rev. Moses Waddel, D.D., of South Carolina, 
whose first wife was a sister of Honorable John C. Cal- 
houn, and who had trained that great statesman, with 
other young men who afterwards rose to distinction. His 
son. Dr. W. W. Waddel, was a young man, but he had 
attained eminence as a physician ; his accomplishments 
were such that he took high rank in social life, and in the 
Presbyterian Church he was a beloved and leading mem- 
ber. I was greatly distressed at his death ; the intelli- 
gence threw a shadow over the brightness of my ofificial 
life, and after a few days of reflection I decided to return 
home. It had been my purpose to visit Italy in the en- 
suing winter, but in view of my obligations to those who 
had such claims on me at home, I made up my mind to 
relinquish my official position, and return to the United 
States in the course of a few months. I wrote to Mr. 
Calhoun, informing him of my purpose, and stating that 



114 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

I should tender my resignation early in the fall At the 
time I felt the strong attraction of home, and made my 
arrangements to return to my own country with the 
greatest satisfaction. As the time approached for my 
departure from Brussels, I made a formal request of my 
government to leave my post at an early day. Some time 
elapsed before I received a reply from Washington, but at 
length Mr. Calhoun sent me a despatch, stating that upon 
my repeated requests to resign my official position, the 
President had instructed him to yield to my wishes, at 
the same time expressing entire approval of my course 
during my service at Brussels. Mr. Calhoun informed me 
that Mr, Clemson, who had married his only daughter, 
had been selected to succeed me, and requested me to 
continue at my post until his arrival in Brussels. I had 
taken a house and furnished it to suit our tastes, and I 
decided to send my furniture home to fit up my residence 
with it at Montgomery. 

I was reluctant to leave Brussels before the arrival of 
my successor, but as Mr. Clemson delayed his coming, I 
proceeded to conclude my arrangements for leave-taking. 
I did so with a feeling of sincere regret ; I had found 
friends in the members of the Diplomatic Corps, our 
families had formed relations of more than formal civility^ 
and the King and Queen had shown such regard for us as 
to make leave-taking something more than a mere stately 
ceremony. 

Leaving Brussels we reached England, and passed some 
days in London. We found much to interest us in a 
previous visit to the great metropolis, and we enjoyed 
sight-seeing with renewed pleasure, but we left London 
without reluctance, and after a short run by railway to 
Portsmouth, we went on board the splendid ship VictoriUy 
and sailed for New York. After a delightful voyage we 
entered the bay of New York, under a brilliant October 
sun, and soon trod once more the soil of our native land. 



CHAPTER XV. 

Arrival at Washington City — Interview with the President — State of the 
Country — Canvass for the Presidency — Mr. Clay — Mr. Polk — Arrival at 
Montgomery — Mass-Meeting of the Whigs — Honorable Alexander H. 
Stephens — Honorable Arthur F. Hopkins — Defeat of Mr. Clay — Nomi- 
nation for a Seat in Congress — Canvass — Election. 

After a brief stay in New York I left for Washington. 
Upon my arrival in that city I sought an early interview 
with the President, and was received by him with the 
greatest cordiality ; he was my personal and political 
friend. Mr. Tyler was looking well ; the cares of office 
had touched him lightly ; having no longer aspirations for 
a re-election to the presidency, and looking forward to the 
return to his Virginia home, he was in high spirits ; his 
intellectual face shone with animation, and his splendid 
conversational powers never appeared to greater advan- 
tage. He gave the morning to me, and expressed his 
views of the state of the country with the utmost free- 
dom. I found him decidedly opposed to the election of 
Mr. Clay, and I expressed my regret at his hostility to 
the candidate of the Whig party. He gave me his rea- 
sons at length for his opposition to Mr. Clay ; he left 
wholly out of view their personal relations, and there was 
not the slightest asperity in his tone ; but he based his 
objection to him mainly on the ground of his declared 
opposition to the annexation of Texas. Mr. Tyler re- 
garded that measure as far the most important in Ameri- 
can politics ; it overshadowed every other ; it was essen- 

"5 



Il6 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

tial to the protection of the South ; and promised, if 
successful, to enhance the power, wealth, and prosperity 
of the whole country. His ardor in stating his views to 
me greatly interested me, and I assured him of my full 
concurrence with his statesman-like attitude in regard to 
a question of such vast importance. At the same time I 
frankly expressed my regret at his hostility to Mr. Clay's 
election ; as a Whig, I regarded his success in the canvass 
as essential to the good government of the country, and 
I would never abandon the standard of a party so wise 
in its policy and so patriotic in its traditions and its ob- 
jects. He regretted that the party had committed its 
fortunes to the leading of Mr. Clay, an imperious chief, 
who would conduct it to certain defeat. In this conver- 
sation with Mr. Tyler I felt for the first time a distrust of 
Mr. Clay's leadership. I had followed him for years with 
the ardor of youth ; his grand statesmanship had capti- 
vated me, and in the midst of the most perilous sur- 
roundings I had pressed to his standard as the soldiers 
of King Henry of Navarre rode to battle wherever his 
white plume led them at Ivry. I could not turn away 
from him now. I was strongly attached to Mr. Tyler ; 
he was one of the most fascinating men I had ever 
known — brilliant, eloquent, even more charming than 
Mr. Calhoun in conversation, with that warmth of 
manner so irresistible with young men ; but his persuasion 
was lost upon me ; when I took leave of him I was as true 
a Whig and as firm a friend of Mr. Clay as I had ever 
been. 

The canvass for the presidency was in full sweep ; it 
may be said to have engrossed the country ; the enthusi- 
asm for Henry Clay was at flood-tide ; wherever he trav- 
elled the receptions accorded to him were magnificent 
ovations ; the heart of the people warmed to him ; not 
only was he the chosen leader of the Whigs, but his per- 
sonal qualities drew men to him irresistibly, while his 



CANVASS FOR THE PRESIDENCY. II7 

eloquence constituted him an unrivalled tribune of the 
people. Unhappily, however, he had declared his oppo- 
sition to the annexation of Texas ; pausing at Raleigh in 
a triumphal career, he wrote a letter, in which he commit- 
ted himself against the measure, already prepared by the 
administration, for the immediate annexation of that 
republic. It was understood that, by an interchange of 
views with Mr. Van Buren, who was the leader of the 
Democratic party, and whose nomination for the presi- 
dency by the convention to be held at Baltimore was 
supposed to be assured, both were to occupy the same 
ground in regard to the Texas question ; but Mr. Van 
Buren had lost the nomination on this very ground, and 
to the surprise of the whole country Mr. James K. Polk, 
of Tennessee, had been brought out as the candidate of 
the Democratic party for the presidency, avowing himself 
decidedly in favor of the annexation of Texas. But for 
this issue the election of Mr. Clay by a large majority 
was supposed to be as certain as any future event de- 
pendent upon the popular will could be ; but after his 
letter there was observed a small cloud rising on the hori- 
zon, so bright before, that threw its ominous shadow over 
his fortunes. Some of his truest friends, like Calphurnia, 
the wife of Caesar, had presaging dreams of his defeat at 
the last moment. Mr. Clay himself treated Mr. Polk 
with disdain ; he did not entertain a thought of discomfi- 
ture ; he was as buoyant as Napoleon at Waterloo, who 
is described by Victor Hugo as surveying the field before 
the battle, and, in view of some adverse appearances, 
seemed to say to fate, " Wouldst thou dare ? " His 
friends were full of courage and hope, and bore themselves 
gallantly everywhere. I had just returned to the country 
after an absence of some years in Europe, and I looked 
over the field with the deepest interest ; a great popular 
contest roused me ; it was so American that I entered 
into it with all my heart. 



Il8 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

Upon my arrival at Montgomery I was generously 
received ; a large number of my friends assembled to wel- 
come me. In the evening I was serenaded at my home. 
The enthusiasm of my old and true friends warmed my 
heart, as they extended to me and to my family a recep- 
tion that showed how deeply their hearts were moved. 
This beautiful city seated on the banks of the Alabama, 
and surrounded by a wide belt of the most fertile lands, 
where planters of ample means and high culture lived with 
elegant and profuse hospitality, was one of the most culti- 
vated and delightful places in the South ; its hills crowned 
with beautiful residences, and its streets exhibiting a large 
and growing commerce, while magnificent steamboats 
floated on its abounding river, bore the products of the 
soil to Mobile, and returning, landed at numerous places 
on the banks passengers and merchandise. 

Shortly after my arrival a mass-meeting of the friends 
of Mr. Clay was held in Montgomery, and gentlemen of 
distinction in Alabama and other States were invited to 
address the people. The most elaborate preparations 
were made for the occasion ; the meeting was held in the 
open air, with a large platform erected for the accommo- 
dation of visitors, which was beautifully decorated, and 
ladies in large numbers were seated on it, while the grove 
was filled with gentlemen seated in their carriages or 
standing, the whole scene presenting one of those South- 
ern pictures, no more to be witnessed in these times of 
ours, under the new conditions of society. 

Among the invited guests was a gentleman already 
advancing upon the road destined to conduct him to 
great distinction, Alexander H. Stephens, of Georgia, who 
had just been elected to Congress. His appearance was 
remarkable : pale, with piercing dark eyes, an intellectual 
cast of features, slender, he might have been mistaken for 
a youth in delicate health, just emerged from college, and 
giving but little promise of force in public life ; a voice 



MASS-MEETING OF WHIGS. 1 19 

shrill but musical, and while not flexible, singularly pleas- 
ing. He attracted great attention ; his slight person, it 
seemed too frail to fit him for great tasks of any kind, dis- 
appointing the expectations awakened by the reputation 
which he had already gained. Seated upon the stage, 
surrounded by other gentlemen, his boyish appearance 
interested every one in him, and won for him a sympathy 
that contributed greatly to his success as an orator. I 
had the honor of being chosen to welcome the guests to 
the convention, standing in a floral arch which had been 
constructed for the speakers, and made the first address. 

Mr. Stephens followed me, and addressed the immense 
audience in a brilliant speech, stating the strong points in 
the campaign, and illustrated them with anecdotes that 
drew from the people tumultuous applause ; comparing 
Mr. Clay with Mr. Polk in a way to recall the famous 
lines of Shakspeare, in which Hamlet contrasts the late 
king, his father, " with the front of Jove himself," with 
the queen's husband, " like a mill-dew'd cur blasting his 
wholesome brother," so that when he concluded the 
shout of the people was one wave of boundless enthusiasm. 

Another gentleman, of a widely different order from 
Mr. Stephens, Honorable Arthur F. Hopkins, of Mobile, 
delivered a great speech. Mr. Hopkins was a man of 
a high order, of fine appearance, his bearing full of dignity, 
a lawyer of great ability, who had adorned a seat on the 
Supreme Court bench of the State, a statesman of large 
attainments and national views, with noble aims and 
singular purity of character. His speech made a great 
impression, and Mr. Stephens said to me, " There is a 
man who would make a good Cabinet minister," showing 
his appreciation of one whom he had never seen before, 
and so eminently fitted to take part in the administration 
of a great government. 

The canvass for the presidency was drawing towards its 
close, and while the friends of Mr. Clay were full of ardor. 



I20 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

and did not think it possible that a leader who shone so 
conspicuously before the people, and attracted them as no 
other man could, was to be defeated by a man so far his 
inferior in statesmanship and grace of manner and all 
grand qualities, as Mr. Polk; still there were upon the 
sky some signs of coming disaster, that might be as fatal 
as the storm that swept the field of Waterloo the night 
before the great battle that decided the fortunes of 
Napoleon in the last stand that he made for the mastery 
of Europe. His opposition to the annexation of Texas 
lost him many supporters ; and upon the banners displayed 
by the Democrats in their popular gatherings were the 
ominous words, '' Polk, Dallas, and Texas." It was a 
temptation too great to be borne ; a young and free state, 
of imperial proportions, peopled by men of our own 
blood, who had won their independence upon hard-fought 
battle-fields, stood ready to come into our Union, bringing 
not only a vast increase of power and wealth, but afford- 
ing a still greater security to the Southern section of the 
country. The candidates of the Whig party were Mr. 
Clay and Mr. Frelinghuysen, who were known to possess 
ample qualifications, and were enjoying the confidence of 
the people to an unlimited extent. They were confronted 
by Mr. James K. Polk and Mr. George M. Dallas, both 
gentlemen of high respectability, but neither possessing 
extraordinary qualifications for the great places to which 
they aspired, nor wielding any commanding influence in 
the country. Yet when the election was held the Demo- 
cratic candidates were, by a large majority, successful. 
They won the States of Maine, New Hampshire, New 
York, Pennsylvania, Virginia, South Carolina, Georgia, 
Louisiana, Mississippi, Indiana, Illinois, Alabama, and 
Michigan. The Whigs carried the States of Massachu- 
setts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Vermont, New Jersey, 
Delaware, Maryland, North Carolina, Kentucky, Tennes- 
see, and Ohio. In the electoral college the vote stood for 



DEFEAT OF MR. CLAY. 121 

Mr. Polk and Mr. Dallas one hundred and seventy ; for 
Mr. Clay and Mr. Frelinghuysen one hundred and five, 
giving to the Democratic candidates a majority of sixty- 
five. The great State of New York decided the contest. 
It was counted upon with certainty by the friends of Mr. 
Clay, but it gave its thirty-six electoral votes to Mr. Polk, 
by the slender majority of about five thousand, in a popu- 
lar vote of five hundred thousand. By so narrow a margin 
was the victory won for the Democratic party ; the thirty- 
six votes of New York given to Mr. Clay would have 
made him president. The defeat of Mr. Clay was like the 
fall of a great leader, whose standard goes down in a 
decisive battle ; it was a disaster felt throughout the 
country, and was observed by the whole civilized world. 

I found the Montgomery district represented in Con- 
gress by Honorable James E. Belser, of that city, a leader 
of the Democratic party, a lawyer, of sterling character, 
and a man who possessed a large share of the confidence 
of the people. He had, at the previous election, defeated 
the Whig candidate by a decided majority. The district 
was large, extending from the Alabama to the Chattahoo- 
chee River, and bounded on the south by Florida, consist- 
ing of the counties of Montgomery, Macon, Russell, Pike, 
Barbour, Coffee, Henry, Dale, and Covington. As a can- 
didate on the electoral ticket for General Harrison I had 
canvassed this large territory, and had acquired a consid- 
erable majority for the Whig candidate for the presidency ; 
but in my absence, by the excellent management of the 
Democratic leaders, and the personal popularity of Mr. 
Belser, it had been taken out of the control of my friends. 
It had never been represented by a Whig, and the other 
districts of the State were under the control of the Demo- 
cratic party. The recent defeat of Mr. Clay had disheart- 
ened our friends, but they appealed to me to become the 
candidate for Congress, immediately after my return from 
Europe, and at the convention held in the spring of 1845 



122 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

I was regularly nominated. Several gentlemen aspired to 
the distinction of leading what was regarded by many as 
a forlorn hope, but upon being informed of my nomina- 
tion I promptly accepted it. Soon after the Democrats 
held their convention, and Mr. Belser having declined to 
accept a re-nomination, John Cochran, Esquire, of Eufaula, 
in the county of Barbour, was nominated. He accepted 
the call of his party, and his friends believed that he would 
achieve a victory ; he was a man of about my own age, of 
fine person, magnetic, strong intellectuality, finely edu- 
cated, a lawyer of prominence, an unrivalled stump 
speaker, of admirable temper, self-possessed to such a 
degree that it was impossible to disconcert him ; his fund 
of anecdote equal to that of Mr. Stephens, and, to make 
him still more formidable, his manners endeared him to 
people of every class. Certainly a more formidable antago- 
nist could not have been found in the district to contend 
with me in the canvass that was to decide the supremacy 
of the Whig or Democratic party in that great and im- 
portant district, I announced my appointments to 
address the people, and selected Glennville, the beautiful 
town in Barbour County, distinguished for the wealth, 
culture, and refinement of its inhabitants, as the first place 
where I would speak, and I had invited my opponent, Mr. 
Cochran, to meet me in debate. A great concourse of 
people met us. A large platform had been constructed, 
upon which a number of leading men of both parties took 
seats, and two gentlemen were selected to preside, and see 
that good order was maintained throughout the discussion. 
A skirmish took place in advance of the speaking, in 
regard to the order of debate ; the friends of Mr. Cochran 
insisted that he should be allowed the conclusion, but 
when this request was submitted to me I promptly rejected 
it upon the ground that appointments had been made for 
me to address the people, and while my opponent was 
invited to meet me, and was entitled to equal terms as to 



PUBLIC DEBATE WITH MR. COCHRAN. 123 

time, and the right of opening and closing the debate on 
alternate days, still as this was our first meeting I thought 
it due to me to have the privilege of replying in conclu- 
sion. This was conceded ; time, and the order of debate 
was announced : Mr. Cochran to open with a speech of 
one hour and a half, and I to have the privilege of reply- 
ing, with the same limitation as to time. The debate was 
animated. Mr. Cochran made an ingenious attack on the 
antecedents and policy of the Whig party, and exhibited 
the success of the Democratic administrations in limiting 
the expenditures of the government, claiming as a great 
triumph its annexation of Texas to the United States. 
His friends warmly applauded his speech, and seemed 
highly elated. As I advanced to the stand to speak I was 
greeted with hearty cheers by my friends, who seemed to 
be full of courage and hope. I stated at the outset that I 
appreciated the marked ability displayed by Mr, Cochran 
in the speech he had just delivered ; that his party, fortu- 
nate in many things, might be congratulated on the selec- 
tion of a gentleman so well fitted to present its cause to 
the people of this district, but that I could not be misled 
by the tact that he displayed by making a vigorous assault 
upon the Whig party, with the hope of putting me on the 
defensive, which really disclosed the weakness of his own 
position. I was not there to defend the great party which 
had recently suffered defeat, a party led by a statesman 
so illustrious that even his enemies did not dare to as- 
sault him ; but to discuss the policy of the Democrats, 
who in bringing forward a candidate for the presidency 
had passed over their distinguished men, and brought 
out a man unknown to the country, and who had won 
his election solely upon the strength of the issue of 
the annexation of Texas, and when taking his seat in the 
chair of state, wore not a single laurel on his brow. The 
annexation of Texas was not a Democratic triumph • its 
ablest leader, Mr. Van Buren, opposed it, so did Mr. Ben- 



124 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

ton, while a great many Whigs favored it ; that I, while in 
the public service abroad, had contributed what I could to 
the success of the measure. I proceeded to arraign the 
Democratic party as responsible for the sub-treasury 
scheme, separating the money affairs of the government 
from those of the people, and bringing the business of the 
country into deplorable confusion. I appealed to the 
people to restore the Whigs to power that they might 
arrest the tendency of the Democratic party to encourage 
sectional strife, which must bring ruin upon the country. 
At the conclusion of my speech the applause was en- 
thusiastic, and my friends crowded about me with their 
congratulations. 

In the afternoon there was an interesting exhibition of 
oratory by a large class under the training of Professor 
Copeland, a distinguished elocutionist. In the evening we 
had an attractive entertainment given at the College for 
Young Ladies, of which Rev. Sereno Taylor was president. 
It was an institution of a high order, and the concert render- 
ed by the young ladies, vocal and instrumental, was really 
charming ; there was a large church organ and a smaller one, 
several pianos, violins, great and small, and the audience 
was immense. An incident occurred that was greatly en- 
joyed : Mr. Taylor was a venerable gentleman, kind and 
good, not avowing his political bias, and at the end of the 
concert he rose and said that we had found the day inter- 
esting ; there had been a great political discussion in the 
morning, and a fine oratorical exhibition in the afternoon, 
while he believed that the concert just closed had afforded 
great pleasure to all, and it was proper to crown the exer- 
cises with appropriate religious services. He therefore pro- 
posed " that Mr. Cochran should read the one hundredth 
Psalm, and Mr. Hilliard should pray." A suppressed 
burst of mirth was heard throughout the assembly, when 
Colonel Cochran, who sat near me, leaned over to me 
and said : " I can't read the Psalm." So I rose and said : 



ELECTED TO CONGRESS. I25 

*' Mr. Cochran naturally finds it embarrassing to read the 
Scriptures in public," but that I Avould read the Psalm if 
Mr. Taylor would pray. Mr. Taylor acceded to this, so I 
rose and read the noble Psalm, and Mr. Taylor taking his 
seat at the organ played and sang the words set to music, 
and then, reverently kneeling, offered prayer. It was 
learned afterwards that Mr. Cochran had said that he 
thought wherever I conducted religious services he should 
be allowed to read the hymns ; Mr. Taylor had never 
heard this, but innocently and kindly wished to extend a 
courtesy to my opponent. The report' of the incident 
was much enjoyed throughout the district. My personal 
relations with Mr. Cochran were never disturbed in the 
excited and protracted canvass in the extensive territory 
through which we travelled ; and the result was regarded 
as doubtful to the end. It required great energy on my 
part to establish the ascendency of the Whig party ; never 
losing an opportunity to visit doubtful parts of the dis- 
trict. The county of Covington, a small but reliable 
stronghold of the Whigs, had given to Mr. Clay, in the 
recent election, a majority of but ten votes ; and at the 
close of the joint discussion with my opponent I took a 
young friend with me and drove through it once more, 
and was rewarded for my attention by a majority of a 
hundred and ten votes at the Congressional election. 

After a protracted and interesting canvass of the whole 
district I was elected by a good majority, and achieved 
the first victory for the Whig party in a contest for a seat 
in Congress, my friends enjoying the triumph the more as I 
was the only successful candidate of that party in the State. 

My election to Congress occurred in August, within less 
than twelve months after my return from Europe. 



CHAPTER XVI. 

Opening of Congress, December, 1845 — The Senate — The House of Repre- 
sentatives — Sketches of Members — President's Message — Texas — Ore- 
gon — Debate on the Oregon Question — Negotiation and Settlement. 

The opening of Congress in December, 1845 was an 
occasion of unusual interest. The administration of Mr. 
Polk was to make the first announcement of its policy ; 
great events had occurred within the last twelve months ; 
important questions affecting the relations of the United 
States with England and Texas were impending ; the 
financial affairs of the country required the aid of wise 
legislation. A large number of new members were to 
take their seats in the House of Representatives, while 
the Senate had on its roll the names of many renowned 
statesmen. 

The President's Cabinet was composed of men of ability 
and distinction : James Buchanan, of Pennsylvania, 
Secretary of State; Robert J. Walker, of Mississippi, 
Secretary of the Treasury ; William L. Marcy, of New 
York, Secretary of War ; George Bancroft, of Massachu- 
setts, Secretary of the Navy ; Cave Johnson, of Tennessee, 
Postmaster-General ; and John Y. Mason, of Virginia, 
Attorney-General. 

Mr. Dallas, the Vice-President, presided with great dig- 
nity and much grace of manner in the Senate ; his per- 
sonal appearance was striking : while yet in the prime of 
life his hair was Avhite and, brushed back from the fore- 
head, fell in rich locks almost to his shoulders ; his dress 

126 



IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. 12/ 

was always elegant, full black ; he wore invariably a white 
cravat, which was singularly becoming to his rich com- 
plexion. As he sat with republican simplicity in his chair 
he was more impressive than the Lord Chancellor of 
England seated on the wool-sack with his ample wig and 
black silk gown. In looking down upon the senators, 
in their seats ranged around the chamber, he saw illustrious 
men : among them Daniel Webster, John Davis, from the 
commonwealth of Massachusetts ; John C. Calhoun, George 
McDuffie, from South Carolina ; Thomas H. Benton, from 
Missouri ; Willie P. Mangum, from North Carolina ; John 
A. Dix, from New York ; William Allen and Thomas 
Corwin, from Ohio ; John M, Berrien and Walter T. Col- 
quit, from Georgia ; John J. Crittenden, from Kentucky ; 
Reverdy Johnson, from Maryland, and Lewis Cass, from 
Michigan, with other men of mark. Mr. Clay had not 
yet returned to the Senate ; he came later. 

In taking my seat in the House of Representatives, I 
observed among those who, like myself, had entered that 
body for the first time : Robert Toombs, of Georgia, and 
Jefferson Davis, of Mississippi. There was a large Demo- 
cratic majority in the House, and Honorable John W. 
Davis, of Indiana, was elected Speaker on the first ballot. 
Honorable Samuel F. Vinton, of Ohio, receiving the 
Whig vote. In looking over the hall I observed a large 
number of able men, some of them already distinguished, 
and others destined to attain great places in the govern- 
ment of the country, and exert a powerful influence upon 
public affairs. Ex-President John Quincy Adams, of 
Massachusetts, occupied a seat alone, near mine, and was 
an object of universal regard and consideration ; a great 
and picturesque man, standing near the extreme boundary 
of human life, yet in possession of his intellectual power, 
and with unimpaired vision, observing with intense inter- 
est everything about him, the memories and glories of a 
past age clustering upon him and still contributing to the 



128 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

advancement of measures for the increase of the power 
and prosperity of the repubhc. 

I had been fortunate in the choice of a seat, not far 
from the Speaker's chair, and it afforded me advantages 
in debate, and in observing and hearing the proceedings 
of the House. The desk accommodating three, I, having 
first choice, took the corner seat nearest the Speaker : 
Honorable Thomas Butler King, of Georgia, the other 
corner; while Honorable Charles J. IngersoU, of Pennsyl- 
vania, the historian, and chairman of the Committee on 
Foreign AfTairs, though a Democratic leader, took the 
ceiitral seat ; a charming man in conversation, he was 
very entertaining. George C. Dromgoole, of Virginia, 
one of the able men of the Democratic party, also took a 
seat near me ; he was an interesting man, and had served 
several terms. A shadow rested upon him. Some years 
previously he became involved in a quarrel with a gentle- 
man with whom he held friendly relations,. and was so 
unfortunate as to kill him in a duel ; fatal to one of the 
parties instantly, and blighting the life of the other, A 
personal friendship sprang up between Mr. Dromgoole 
and myself, notwithstanding our disagreement in politics, 
which continued throughout our service in Congress. On 
the other side of the House, directly opposite me, sat my 
colleague, William L. Yancey, already displaying those 
brilliant parts which distinguished him so greatly after- 
wards. He had entered Congress from an adjoining dis- 
trict, his residence being at Wetumpka during my ab- 
sence in Europe. His personal appearance was fine : above 
the medium height, and well knit ; a good head ; his face 
full of intellectual force ; eyes bright, and expressive of 
the warmth of his temper ; his chin well formed, and the 
whole aspect leonine. Robert C. Winthrop, of Massachu- 
setts, had served several terms, and his rank was high. He 
impressed me from the first as a man of intellect, of char- 
acter, and of fine attainments ; his bearing was impressive ; 



MEN OF NOTE IN THE HOUSE. 1 29 

about six feet in height, well formed, his face expressive of 
culture and sentiment ; wearing glasses, which did not 
conceal the clear gray eyes ; at all times extremely well 
dressed ; there was about him a look of refinement and 
ability that would have attracted attention to him in any 
parliamentary body in the world. It was said that he 
bore a strong resemblance to the portrait of his ancestor, 
John Winthrop, Governor of the Colony of Massachusetts. 

Robert M. T. Hunter, of Virginia, came to the House 
with a great reputation, and sustained it. He was, by a 
piece of good fortune, elected Speaker, the contending 
parties having failed to agree in their support of either 
of the nominees ; but he failed to be re-elected. He re- 
tained his seat in the House, and was a strong man, 
destined to higher distinction. His personal appearance 
was prepossessing, indicating ability and character. 

Stephen A. Douglas, of Illinois, was already one of 
the leading members of the House, and distinctly a man 
of large faculties. His head was fine, not only massive, 
but well proportioned ; his face was striking — the features 
large, the mouth good, the lips firm but not stern, the 
chin prominent, the eyes large, dark, and full of expres- 
sion ; his stature was short, but his person well formed, 
indicating strength and activity ; and his manners were 
unaffected and very pleasing. He held the important 
place of chairman of the Committee on Territories. 

Howell Cobb, of Georgia, was a man of recognized 
ability, a born leader of men ; he was very popular, and 
wielded a large influence in the House ; his face was fine, 
full of animation and character, and his person, like that 
of Fox, was full, but not unwieldy. 

Alexander H. Stephens, his colleague, was one of the 
noted men in the House. Tall, slender, a sallow complex- 
ion ; dark, piercing eyes ; black hair, worn long, he was the 
impersonation of intellect ; clear, bright, like the flame of 
a light-house throwing its illuminating rays over every 



130 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

object that came within its range, and his figure and 
bearing vividly recalling the pictures which we have of 
John Randolph, of Roanoke. 

Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee, was a conspicuous per- 
son. Seated among the Democratic members, he could 
not be overlooked : there was an expression of vigilant 
intelligence in his face : his dark eyes, which seemed to 
observe everything, had a kindly but yet sinister look, 
displaying a lurking distrust, but his head was good and 
his aspect resolute. In the whole person of this remark- 
able man there was an appearance of manliness and 
independence, and his sincere honesty no man could 
doubt : his popular tastes were as decided as his political 
principles. 

Joseph R. Ingersoll differed widely from his brother 
Charles, in appearance, manners, and political principles. 
Both represented districts in Philadelphia ; but while 
Charles bwas scholarly and had fine manners, he was an 
intense Democrat, and reminded me of a member of the 
Chamber of Deputies, in Paris, conspicuously seated on 
the extreme Left. Joseph R. was a Whig of the most 
pronounced type ; his fair complexion, blue eyes, and 
auburn hair were in marked contrast with those of his 
brother, whose coloring was dark, and whose closely cut 
hair was in the French style. Joseph R. Ingersoll, if not 
the most accomplished man in the House, was unsur- 
passed for his elegant tastes, fine attainments, and faultless 
style of dress. Though a much younger man than him- 
self, we became, from the first, close friends, and saw much 
of each other. 

There was a member from Vermont who interested me 
greatly — Jacob Collamer. Judge Collamer's appearance 
was that of a gentleman of fine breeding. Trained in the 
old school of statesmen, his extensive learning and genial 
nature made him very entertaining in conversation, and 
there was a general style in his expression of opinion 



.UK. TOOMBS OF GEORGIA. 13I 

touching public questions that one rarely finds in public 
bodies ; he was loyal to the sentiment of the North in 
matters which affected sectional interests, but his fairness 
towards the South was sincere and hearty. In dress he 
preferred the old style, retaining something of the elegance 
in his costume which we observe in the portraits of gen- 
tlemen of an earlier period. He extended to me proofs 
of his regard from our first acquaintance ; his fund of 
anecdote was large, and his illustrations were singularly 
felicitous ; his services to the Whig party were important, 
and were fully appreciated. 

Robert Toombs, of Georgia, sat on the Whig side of 
the House, having been elected to Congress from a dis- 
trict adjoining that of Mr. Stephens. He had already 
served with distinction in the Legislature of Georgia, and 
was a lawyer of marked ability. On the hustings he was 
unrivalled, swaying the people in the great mass-meetings 
of the time. Mr. Stephens had entered Congress two 
years previously, and he was from the first a close friend 
of Mr. Toombs ; there was a marked contrast in the ap- 
pearance of the gentlemen, but in intellectual force it was 
not easy to say which was the superior. The personal 
appearance of Mr. Toombs was impressive ; he stood six 
feet in height, and was finely proportioned, his broad 
shoulders and deep chest indicating power ; his head was 
fine, not of the ideal type of regnant intellect, but with 
a full development of the organs that constitute strength ; 
his face was full of expression, and his dark eyes were lit 
with the blended fire of mind and passion. He was pre- 
eminently a man of power, fitted for the contests of the 
forum and for the gladiatorial strife of parliamentary dis- 
cussion, a man that in any assembly would have been 
looked upon as a leader. His bearing was commanding, 
and yet he was free in his intercourse with others. 

Entering the House the same day with Mr. Toombs, 
but taking his seat on the Democratic side of the hall, was 



132 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

a gentleman of about the same age, destined to fill a large 
place in the view of the country — Jefferson Davis, of Mis- 
sissippi. His appearance was prepossessing — tall, slender, 
with a soldierly bearing, a fine head, an intellectual face ; 
there was a look of culture and refinement about him that 
made a favorable impression from the first, and the attain- 
ments which he displayed, even in conversation, com- 
manded the respect of those who met him. He had 
graduated at West Point, having been appointed to the 
Military Academy by President Monroe, and served seven 
years in the army, engaged in Indian warfare, when he 
resigned his commission. He became a cotton planter in , 
Mississippi, pursuing at the same time liberal studies, 
taking part in politics ; he was actively engaged in the 
presidential canvass for Mr. Polk, and was elected to 
Congress in 1845, taking his seat at the opening of the 
session in December. 

On the same day a gentleman from Ohio entered the 
House, who has since risen to great distinction — Allen G. 
Thurman. Mr. Thurman's career has been eminently 
honorable and useful to the country ; rising above the 
level of mere party lines, he is regarded by the whole 
country with respect and confidence ; a great lawyer, a 
statesman of ability and patriotic views, a man of noble 
personal qualities, the evening of his life is illumined by 
cloudless sunlight. 

There were other men of mark entitled to notice, whom 
I may describe hereafter, as they appear, taking part in 
public affairs. 

Mr. Polk's first annual message to Congress was full of 
interest ; it presented for consideration several subjects 
of great importance — our relations with Mexico, affected 
by the annexation of Texas, the conflicting claims of the 
United States and Great Britain to Oregon, the public 
debt, and the revision of the tariff. The annexation of 
Texas without a previous understanding with Mexico had 



PEACE OR WAR. 1 33 

given great offence to that republic. Diplomatic relations 
between the United States and Mexico had been dis- 
turbed ; General Almonte, the Mexican Minister, had 
been recalled, and Mr. Slidell, the Minister sent by us to 
Mexico, had not been received. Warlike preparations/ 
were going on in Mexico, and while no formal declaration 
had been made, still it was plain that hostilities must soon 
follow, unless some satisfactory terms could be agreed 
upon between the two countries. The President informed 
Congress that recently Mexico had consented to receive a 
minister from the United States, who was on his way to 
the city of Mexico ; that he had been instructed to bring 
the negotiations with which he was charged to a conclu- 
sion at the earliest practicable period, with the view to 
enable the President to communicate the result to Con- 
gress during the present session ; and until the result was 
known he forbore to recommend such ulterior measures 
of redress for the wrongs and injuries we had so long 
borne, as it would be proper to make had no such negoti- 
ations been instituted. 

The Oregon question had grown into great importance ; 
the negotiations for its solution, which had commenced 
in Mr. Tyler's administration, had now terminated. The 
United States had proposed at one time to make the 
parallel of forty-nine degrees the dividing line between the 
two countries, but this proposition had since been re- 
voked ; and the new administration now asserted our title 
to the whole territory up to the Russian boundary, fifty-four 
degrees and forty minutes. The President recommended 
Congress to authorize the notice to be given which was to 
terminate the joint occupancy, to extend our laws over 
the territory, and to encourage our people to take posses- 
sion of it. Thus the question submitted to Congress was 
really one of peace or war. Early in the session the follow- 
ing resolution was reported to the House by Mr. C. J. 
Ingersoll, chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs : 




134 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

" Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of 
the United States of America, in Congress assembled ; That 
the President of the United States forthwith cause notice to 
be given to the government of Great Britain that the conven- 
tion between the United States and Great Britain concerning 
the territory of Oregon of the 6th of August, 1827, signed at 
London, shall be annulled and abrogated twelve months after 
the expiration of the said term of notice, conformable to the 
second article of the said convention of the 6th of August, 
1827." 

A great debate folloM^ed the introduction of the joint 
resolution, in which gentlemen differing widely in politi- 
cal affiliations took part. 

Mr. Adams, flaming with the ardor of the Revolution, 
and speaking with the vehemence of his youth, asserted 
our claim to the disputed territory, and urged the import- 
ance of protecting our people, who had already gone there 
as settlers, in such terms as to rouse the House into 
applause. 

Mr. Douglas urged the importance of giving the notice 
to Great Britain "at the earliest day, and proposed to pro- 
vide at once for building forts and stockades, and for 
asserting our exclusive jurisdiction over the whole Oregon 
territory at the very instant when the twelve months 
should expire. 

Mr. Charles J. IngersoU represented the necessity for 
taking steps at once for the protection of our people, 
stating that thousands of men, women, and children were 
on their way to that distant territory, and he would have 
the President give immediate notice to Great Britain for 
the termination of the joint occupancy of the territory. 

Mr. Winthrop, of Massachusetts, took the floor, and 
delivered a speech of remarkable interest, in opposition to 
the joint resolution. He objected decidedly to the policy 
of giving to Great Britain the notice to terminate the 
joint occupancy of Oregon. The title was too doubtful. 



MV FIRST SPEECH IN CONGRESS. 1 35 

the territory too unimportant, to endanger our friendly- 
relations with a great power. Instead of a positive assertion 
of our claim, which, if pressed in the spirit displayed by 
the administration, must result in war, he urged that 
it should be submitted to arbitration — an honorable, wise, 
statesman-like mode of adjusting the rights of contending 
nations, and insisting upon the preservation of peace as 
the duty of the government. His speech interested me 
greatly ; it was scholarly, dignified, beautiful ; and in his 
manner there was a blended grace and manliness that im- 
pressed me. But I did not concur in his views, either as 
to our title, or as to the proper mode of enforcing our 
claim, nor as to the value of the territory involved, and I 
decided to reply to the speech at the earliest day when 
I could obtain the floor. Mr. Winthrop spoke on the 
third day of January ; on the fifth day I rose, and was rec- 
ognized by the Speaker ; it was near the usual hour of 
closing the day's sitting, and I moved an adjournment of 
the House — it was carried without objection. This en- 
titled me to the floor the next morning, and afforded me 
the great advantage of a night's preparation for the com- 
ing ordeal. It was to be my first speech in Congress, 
the question was one of the highest interest and import- 
ance, some of the leading men of the House had already 
discussed it, and I felt that to me personally it was an 
ordeal such as I had not been subjected to before, and 
which must result in deciding my status and affecting my 
influence in public life. My convictions in regard to the 
proper treatment of the disputed claim were clear and 
strong ; I had just returned from Brussels, where I had 
resided for some years the diplomatic representative of the 
government, and had observed the importance of main- 
taining the rights of nations firmly and resolutely in 
negotiations affecting them, so that I was prepared to give 
my views to the House with confidence in their being 
entitled to consideration. 



136 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

The morning was fine, the seats were filled, the gal- 
leries were crowded and, to heighten the interest of the 
occasion, soon after the session opened Mrs. Madison 
entered the hall and was conducted to a seat in the space 
in front of the Speaker's chair. Mrs. Madison rarely- 
appeared in either house ; I had been presented to her 
just before my departure for Europe, by Senator Preston, 
of South Carolina, in a way to interest her, and I was 
much pleased to observe that she was to hear my first 
speech in Congress. In rising to address the House I 
stated my confidence in our title to Oregon, resting as it 
did upon the title which we had acquired from Spain, and 
on Captain Gray's discovery of the mouth of the Columbia 
River, on the admitted principle of international law, that 
by whatsover nation the mouth of a river is discovered, to 
that nation belongs the whole of the valley which is 
drained by its waters ; that enlightened nations do clearly 
hold that the jurisdiction and laws of a nation accompany 
her ships, not only over the high seas, but into ports and 
harbors, or wheresoever they may be water-borne, for the 
general purpose of governing and regulating the rights, 
duties, and obligations on board thereof ; and that to the 
extent of the exercise of this jurisdiction they are con- 
sidered as parts of the territory of the nation herself. It 
was in this spirit that Captain Gray, of Boston, the 
American navigator, entering the mouth of that great 
stream, which had never before been entered by any 
navigator, gave it the name of his ship, Columbia, thus 
associating with it for all times memories of his country 
and of his home. If our title be clear we should proceed 
to enforce it ; the time for " masterly inactivity " had 
gone by; we must act immediately if we would act with 
effect, whether we regard the perpetuity of peace or the 
possession of the territory in dispute ; if we would avoid 
war, we must have the causes of war passed upon and 
settled. We must assert our rights ; we must shun a 



THE OREGON QUESTION. 1 37 

temporizing policy ; we must adopt measures, and cany 
them to the very farthest verge to which they can be 
maintained without the violation of the terms of the 
convention, otherwise we shall find that the population 
of the two nations, intermixing in that remote territory, 
carrying with them the prejudices and the heat of con- 
tending parties, protected by, and amenable to, conflict- 
ing jurisdictions, entering into the eager competitions of 
trade, will at no distant date precipitate us into a war 
with Great Britain. By delay we have incurred the danger 
of losing the territory altogether. The whole colonial 
history of the British Empire shows the tenacity with which 
a colony is held by that power. Already at Willamette 
falls in latitude 45° 20' there is a prosperous and growing 
settlement under the protection of the British govern- 
ment. We should give the notice, so often referred to in 
this debate, not in the form proposed in the bill, reported 
by the chairman of the Committee on Territories, Mr. 
Douglas, or in the resolution more recently reported by 
the chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, Mr. 
Ingersoll. I proposed to submit an amendment to that 
resolution, striking out the words which refer to giving 
notice by a joint act of both houses, and inserting a pro- 
vision empowering the President of the United States to 
give such notice when, in his opinion, the public welfare 
shall require it. 

"I am for giving to the President all the energy and 
efficiency which he requires in a matter of this kind. I would 
establish a territorial government in Oregon, so organized as 
not to conflict with the provisions of the convention. My 
plan would be to send them out a governor, a sagacious, pru- 
dent, experienced, cautious man, who would be able to sweep 
the whole field with his eye, and give information and counsel 
to the government here as to what was doing and what ought to 
be done. If any gentleman doubts our power to establish such 
a government over the whole of the territory, or apprehends 



138 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

collision with the British authorities, then I say place your 
governor south of the Columbia River ; that at least is a por- 
tion of the territory which, I presume, no gentleman in the 
House is prepared to surrender. The language of every one 
here, I doubt not, will be like that of the poet : 

" ' And many a banner shall be torn, 

And many a knight to ground be borne, 
And many a sheaf of shafts be spent, 
Ere Scotland's king shall cross the Trent.' 

" And now, Sir, I am met with the question : suppose these 
measures should lead to war ? I do not think they will lead 
to war ; they ought not. But we are not at liberty in this 
matter to turn away from a just consideration of our national 
rights and our national honor to look at consequences. We 
are going onward, as we should, protecting our own citizens. 
We are following the example of the Republic of Rome, which 
caused Roman law to prevail, and the aegis of Roman protec- 
tion to be extended wherever Roman citizens pressed. If, 
however, while pursuing such a policy, a policy wise, vigorous, 
but conciliatory, war should come upon us, I trust the country 
will be prepared to meet it. If it should come upon us as the 
result of a moderate but firm assertion of our national rights, 
the response in every American bosom must be, * Let it come ! ' 
The venerable gentleman from Massachusetts near me (Mr. 
Adams), in tones which rang on my heart like a trumpet, 
reminded me of the days of our revolutionary glory. The old 
fire which blazed so brightly in that ever memorable struggle 
seemed to be flashing up within him, and while I listened to 
his patriotic strains I felt assured that in such a cause we 
should all act as one man. If we should go into the war in 
this spirit, I should feel little anxiety as to how we should 
come out of it. The power of England is vast, culminating 
to the highest point. It must soon reach that climax in the 
history of nations from which they have one after another 
commenced their decline, and she ought not to enter into a 
contest with a great power ; if wise counsels prevail, she will 
not. Yet if she should be so irrational, on the ground of 



POLITICAL IMPORTANCE OF OREGON. 139 

such a controversy as that of Oregon, to rush into such a 
contest, I trust that she will be driven back from these shores 
shorn of her splendor ; and she may be very sure that when 
this happens it will prove no temporary eclipse, but will 
endure for all time to come, and she will be left a portent in 
the political heavens, 

" ' Shedding disastrous twilight over half the nations.' " 

I proceeded to show the importance of- Oregon as in a 
political view. 

" England has a frontier to the north of us extending three 
thousand miles, and stretching entirely across the continent ; if 
we permit her to come from that line, some five hundred miles 
down the coast of the Pacific, we shall give her the opportunity 
of filling up the only break which now exists in that line of 
continuous fortifications, with which her energy and vast 
resources have encompassed the globe. It is the political 
value of the territory which, with her accustomed sagacity, she 
sees and appreciates. Before we count the value of Oregon, 
we must look across the Pacific and estimate that trade with 
China and the Eastern Archipelago, which is soon to open 
upon us in all its riches, grandeur, and magnificence. As 
things now exist our vessels, returning from the ports of 
Eastern Asia, have, as it were, to run the gauntlet through a 
long line of British naval posts from which they are exposed to 
attack. Her numerous naval stations enable her to keep her 
fleets in every sea, and however widely spread this Eastern 
commerce may be, and however inestimable its value, it is 
subject in a moment to be arrested. But if we establish our 
ports, and plant our settlements on the shores of the Pacific, 
our commerce will float in comparative safety over the tranquil 
bosom of that widespread ocean. Gentlemen have spoken of the 
policy of President Monroe, who declared to the nations of the 
Old World that they would not be tolerated in any interference 
with the balance of power on this continent, and that they must 
establish no more colonies on our shores. I am in favor of this 
policy, so far as it can with justice be carried out. Where 



I40 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

European nations have already possessions on this continent 
they should be suffered to hold them without molestation, but 
we may well oppose their planting new colonies in this, our 
Western world. The honor of this sentiment, however, it is 
but fair to say, belongs justly as much to the gentlemen from 
Massachusetts (Mr. Adams) as it does to Mr. Monroe ; for 
although the latter was the chief magistrate, the former was at 
the same time Secretary of State, and if he did not suggest, he 
certainly sanctioned, the policy. The present Executive main- 
tains the same doctrine, and I do not doubt the whole country 
will come into it." 

I proceeded to give my views of the commercial value 
of Oregon, stating that England and the United States 
were the only competitors for the trade of Southern 
China, the trade of North China being in the hands of 
the Russians, mainly conducted at the annual fair held at 
Kiachta, lasting for about two months, at which the 
traders of the two nations assemble and carry on their 
commercial transactions, but that South China was in the 
hands of England and this country ; that England im- 
ported every year four hundred and fifty thousand chests 
of tea, while we imported two hundred thousand, besides 
muslins, silks, and other commodities of great value. 

" In this gainful traffic England regards us as a rival power, 
and she is by no means disposed to give it up. The coast 
of Oregon fronts that of China, and presents great facilities for 
carrying on this important branch of commerce. Fully to 
avail ourselves, however, of these advantages, we ought to 
connect Oregon with the State of Missouri by the construction 
of a railroad. This is not so visionary and wild a scheme as at 
the first view some gentlemen may be disposed to consider it ; 
let them reflect that it is but about fifteen years since Mr. 
Huskisson lost his life in an experimental trip between Liver- 
pool and Manchester, over the first railroad ever constructed 
in England. And what is she doing in that system now ? And 



ITS COMMERCIAL VALUE. I41 

then look on the Continent, and see already completed a large 
part of one continuous line of railroad, which is to stretch out 
twenty-seven hundred miles, entirely across Europe, from 
Odessa to Bremen, while another line will presently extend 
from the Adriatic for near a thousand miles. , . . Should 
such a road be constructed, it will become the great highway of 
the world ; we shall, before long, monopolize the trade of the 
eastern coasts of Asia. At present it is stated that the shortest 
possible voyage from London to Canton occupies seventy days, 
but it is estimated over such a railroad a traveller might pass 
from London to Canton in forty days. . , . With a route 
so short and so direct as this, might we not reasonably hope to 
command both the trade and travel of the world ? Engrafted 
on this plan, and as its natural adjunct, is the extension of a 
magnetic telegraph, which will follow the course of the road, 
unite these two, and where is the imagination that can grasp 
the consequences ? Whale ships, returning from their long and 
hazardous voyages, might touch upon the Pacific coast, and 
instantly transmit across the continent tidings of their safety 
and success. In either of the views which I have presented it 
is impossible that the importance of Oregon can be overlooked. 
I trust that these great results will be realized, and I hope at no 
distant day to see a mail line established across the continent. 
England has very recently been engaged in an experiment 
in ascertaining the shortest overland route across the Continent 
to the East Indies, and I believe the Oriental Steam Company 
has determined on that through Germany, by Trieste, but if 
we construct this railroad she will then be dependent on us for 
the shortest and most expeditious as well as safest route to 
China and her East India possessions. Is not the language of 
Berkeley in progress of fulfilment, when he wrote that immortal 
line, ' Westward the star of empire takes its way ' ? When 
Oregon shall be in our possession, when we shall have estab- 
lished a profitable trade with China through her ports ; when 
our ships traverse the Pacific, as they now cross the Atlantic, 
and all the countless consequences of such a state of things 
begin to flow in upon us, then will be fulfilled that vision which 
rapt and filled the mind of Nunez, as he gazed over the placid 



142 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

waves of the Pacific. I will now address myself for a moment 
or two to the moral aspect of this great question. Gentlemen 
have talked much and eloquently of the horrors of war. I 
should regret the necessity of a war ; I should deplore its 
dreadful scenes ; but if the possession of Oregon gives us a 
territory opening upon the nation prospects such as I now 
describe, and if for the simple exercise of our rights in regard 
to it, Great Britain should wage upon us an unjust war, the 
regret which every one must feel will have much to counter- 
balance it. One of England's own writers has said : ' The 
possible destiny of the United States of America, as a nation of 
one hundred millions of freemen, stretching from the Atlantic 
to the Pacific, living under the laws of Alfred, and speaking the 
language of Shakespeare and Milton, is an august conception.' 
It is an august conception, finely embodied, and I trust in God 
that it will at no distant day become a reality ; I trust that the 
world will see through all time our people living not only under 
the laws of Alfred, but that they will be heard to speak 
throughout our widespread borders the language of Shake- 
speare and Milton. Above all it is my prayer that as long 
as our posterity shall continue to inhabit these mountains, and 
plains, and hills, and valleys, they may be found living under 
the sacred institutions of Christianity. Put these things 
together, and what a picture do they present to the mental 
eye ! Civilization and intelligence started in the East ; they 
have travelled and are still travelling westward, but when they 
shall have completed the circuit of the earth, and reached the 
extremest verge of the Pacific shores, then, unlike the fabled 
god of the ancients, who dipped his glowing axle in the western 
wave, they will there take up their permanent abode. Then 
shall we enjoy the sublime destiny of returning these blessings 
to their ancient seat ; then will it be ours to give the priceless 
benefits of our free institutions, and the pure and healthful 
light of the Gospel back to the dark family which has so long 
lost both truth and freedom ; then may Christianity plant 
herself there, and while with one hand she points to the Poly- 
nesian isles rejoicing in the late recovered treasure of revealed 
truth, with the other present the Bible to the Chinese. It is 



CONGRA TULA TIONS. 1 43 

our duty to aid in this great work. I trust we shall esteem it 
as much our honor as our duty. Let us not, like some of the 
British missionaries, give them the Bible in one hand and 
opium in the other, but bless them only with the pure word of 
truth. I hope the day is not distant ; soon, soon may its dawn 
arise to shed upon the farthest and most benighted of nations 
the splendor of more than a tropical sun." 

I offered at the close of my remarks an amendment, 
such as I had indicated, in regard to empowering the 
President to give the notice to Great Britain. 

Upon the conclusion of my speech, gentlemen from 
both sides of the House came forward and extended to 
me their congratulations with a warmth and generosity 
that gratified me greatly, and when the space cleared 
about my desk, Mr. Adams, rising from his seat, advanced 
with a beaming face. I rose to receive him, and, extend- 
ing his hand, he said : " I come to congratulate you. Sir; 
I think you have settled the question." I was deeply 
touched by this generous recognition from Mr. Adams, 
whose long and illustrious career, at home and abroad, 
crowned by the election to the presidency, entitled him 
to the highest consideration, and whose public sanction 
of the views I had just expressed in regard to a great 
question was the highest possible tribute I could receive. 

From that time to the day of his death Mr. Adams 
honored me with his friendship, and extended to me 
marks of interest and consideration. 

From eminent men throughout the country, and from 
the press of both parties I received expressions of ap- 
proval of my course in regard to a great national ques- 
tion involving the rights, the honor, and the peace of the 
country, which greatly cheered me upon my entering 
upon my service in Congress. 

The excitement in regard to the Oregon question rose 
to a great height ; the declaration in the inaugural of Mr. 



144 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

Polk, asserting broadly and without qualification the title 
of the United States to the territory, and the purpose of 
the administration to maintain it, had roused the British 
government, and war seemed to be inevitable. The reso- 
lution to give the notice to Great Britain was adopted in 
the House by a large majority, and went to the Senate 
for its concurrence ; it was there amended, after a pro- 
longed discussion, in the way I had proposed in the 
House, and finally adopted by a large majority. 

It was then returned to the House, and the Senate's 
amendment was adopted by an increased vote, after the 
Committee of Conference between the two houses had 
met and considered the measure, and agreed upon the 
resolution to be reported to both houses. I had the 
honor to be a member of the Committee of Conference 
on the part of the House, and insisted upon giving the 
resolution the form which I had originally proposed, and 
which was finally adopted by both houses. 

The President acted at once upon the discretion which 
had been given him, and caused the notice for the abroga- 
tion of the joint-occupancy article to be given immediately 
to the British government. He at the same time urged 
Congress to the adoption of proper measures for the pro- 
tection of American citizens in the territory. 

This led to a speedy adjustment of the question so full 
of danger to the friendly relations of the two great nations. 
Sir Robert Peel, with the manliness and breadth of view 
which at all times distinguished that great statesman, 
caused negotiations to be renewed for the adjustment of 
the conflicting claims ; and finally Mr. Pakenham, the 
British Minister at Washington, under instructions from 
his government, proposed the line of forty-nine degrees. 
It was accepted by the administration, and a treaty in 
accordance with the terms agreed on was submitted to 
the Senate, and ratified in that body by a large majority. 



CHAPTER XVII. 

Relations with Mexico — Measures Adopted by the President — War — Battles 
of Palo Alto and Resaca de la Palma — Supplies Voted — Views of 
the Two Houses of Congress — Archibald Yell — Jefferson Davis — 
Smithsonian Institution — Honorable Charles J- Ingersoll's attack on 
Mr. Webster — Hon. William L. Yancey. 

Our relations with Mexico, referred to by the President 
in his message, were still unfriendly. The annexation of 
Texas was regarded by Mexico as an act of flagrant hos- 
tility. An attempt to settle the question by negotiation 
had been made by the administration, but it had failed. 
Diplomatic intercourse had been interrupted, and Mexico 
declined to renew it. The President informed Congress 
that Mexico was marshalling and organizing armies, 
issuing proclamations, and avowing her intention of mak- 
ing war on the United States, either by open declaration, 
or by invading Texas. Both the congress and conven- 
tion of the people of Texas invited our government to 
send an army to the western boundary of that State, 
to defend it against the menaced attack. The moment 
the terms of annexation offered by the United States 
were accepted by Texas, the President regarded that 
State as a part of our own country, and he felt it to be 
the duty of the government to afford it protection and 
defence. He therefore deemed it proper, as a precau- 
tionary measure, to order a strong squadron to the coast 
of Mexico, and to concentrate an efificient military force 
on the western frontier of Texas. 

lo 145 



146 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES, 

Our army was ordered to take position in the country 
between the Nueces and the Del Norte, and to repel any 
invasion of the Texan territory, which might be attempted 
by the Mexican forces. 

Our squadron in the Gulf was ordered to co-operate 
with the army. 

But though our army and navy were placed in a posi- 
tion to defend our territory and to protect Texas, they 
were instructed to commit no act of hostility against 
Mexico unless she declared war, or was herself the ag- 
gressor by striking the first blow. The result had been 
that Mexico had made no aggressive movements, and our 
military and naval commanders had executed their orders 
with such discretion, that the peace of the two republics 
had not been disturbed. 

This was the status of the session of Congress in De- 
cember, 1845. General Zachary Taylor was in command 
of the first department of the army in the southwest. 
Congress having in March, 1845, passed the joint resolu- 
tion annexing Texas, General Taylor was directed by the 
President to defend it against- invasion, then threatened 
by Mexico. In July he embarked from New Orleans 
with a small force, not more than fifteen hundred men, 
and pitched his camp at Corpus Christi, Texas, where he 
was reinforced, so that in November his army amounted 
to four thousand men. Here General Taylor awaited 
positive instructions from the President to occupy the 
disputed territory between Texas and Mexico, and re- 
ceiving this order about the ist of March, 1846, he began 
his march toward the Rio Grande del Norte. On the 
28th of March he took his position on the bank of the Rio 
Grande, opposite Matamoras, encamped, and erected 
Fort Brown, which commanded the Mexican town, where 
the Mexicans were already throwing up batteries and 
redoubts. It sheds light upon history to observe the 
events that followed in the course of a few days. Gen- 



IV A/? WITH MEXICO. 1 47 

eral Ampudia, on the 12th of April, in command of the 
Mexican forces, addressed a note to General Taylor, 
requiring him Avithin twenty-four hours to break up his 
camp, and retire beyond the Nueces, " while our govern- 
ments are regulating the pending question in relation to 
Texas," and stating that a non-compliance would be re- 
garded as equivalent to a declaration of war. We may 
imagine how the heroic American commander received 
this communication, and the light that came into his 
face, as into the countenance of Cromwell, as he dictated 
his reply. His secretary, Colonel Bliss, was instructed to 
say that General Taylor was acting under instructions, 
which did not permit him to return to the Nueces, and that 
if the Mexican commander saw fit to begin hostilities he 
should not avoid the conflict. Arista soon after took com- 
mand of the Mexican army, numbering some six thousand 
men, and crossed the Rio Grande. General Taylor, with 
a part of his troops, had gone down to Fort Isabel to 
look after supplies, and on his return march he was 
attacked by General Arista with his whole force at Palo 
Alto, on the 8th of May. General Taylor ranged his 
twenty-three hundred men in line of battle ; Arista 
opened with an artillery fire and a charge of lancers, but 
was defeated after a conflict of five hours. The Ameri- 
cans drove the Mexicans from their position, and General 
Arista fell back on Resaca de la Palma. 

A council was called by General Taylor at night, at 
which the chief officers of his command were present, to 
consider the situation. The disproportion between the 
force of General Taylor, consisting of but little more 
than two thousand men, and that of General Arista, num- 
bering about six thousand, was so considerable that some 
of the officers, it is related, thought it best to strengthen 
their position, and await the attack of the enemy ; but 
after the deliberations were ended General Taylor said : 
" I shall sleep at Fort Brown to-morrow night, if I live." 



148 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

The orders were issued to be ready for an advance by 
daylight. 

The following morning, May 9th, the Americans as- 
saulted the position of the Mexicans at Resaca de la 
Palma, and after a severe contest routed them, and drove 
them across the Rio Grande. General Taylor was imme- 
diately promoted to the rank of major-general, and he 
crossed the river, and took possession of Matamoras. 

An account of these events was transmitted to our gov- 
ernment by a courier, with extraordinary rapidity, and 
the President promptly communicated the statement of 
what had taken place to Congress, in a special message. 
The President stated to the two houses of Congress that 
American blood had been spilt on American soil, and re- 
quested Congress to recognize the existence of war as a 
fact, and to provide for its prosecution ; widely different 
opinions prevailed in Congress as to the responsibility for 
war, but supplies were promptly voted with but few dis- 
senting voices. A war feeling pervaded the country, and 
troops were soon sent to the aid of General Taylor, who 
was ordered to conduct hostilities in the most vigorous 
way against Mexico. Several members of the House re- 
signed their seats to take part in the war ; among them 
were Mr. Archibald Yell, of Arkansas, and Mr. Jefferson 
Davis, of Mississippi. 

It is proper to state here that an ominous cloud ap- 
peared in the horizon before the close of the session. A 
bill was before the House authorizing the President to 
use two millions of dollars in negotiating a treaty of peace 
with Mexico, and Honorable David Wilmot, a Democratic 
representative from Pennsylvania, moved to amend it by 
adding the proviso that " as an express and fundamental 
condition to the acquisition of any territory from the 
Republic of Mexico by the United States, by virtue of 
any treaty to be negotiated between them, and to the use 
by the Executive of the moneys herein appropriated. 



THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION. 149 

neither slavery nor involuntary servitude shall ever exist 
in any part of said territory, except for crime, whereof 
the party shall be first duly convicted." This proviso 
was adopted in the House, being supported by nearly all 
the members from the non-slaveholding States, but did 
not make its way through the Senate because of want of 
time. 

In the next session of Congress it was defeated in both 
houses. This formidable question brought into Congress, 
in connection with the war against Mexico, led subse- 
quently to momentous results. In both the Whig and 
Democratic National Conventions, subsequently held, 
there were delegates from the Northern States who at- 
tempted to introduce into the party platform resolutions 
prohibiting the extension of slavery to the territories. 
The rejection of this resolution led to the secession of a 
considerable number of prominent men from both parties, 
especially in Massachusetts, New York, and Ohio. 

Mr. Wilmot was a gentleman of pleasing manners, fine 
culture, and admirable temper ; he was not a fanatic, and 
it was not his purpose to bring about a conflict between 
the North and the South, then, or at any future time. 
His appearance was prepossessing ; of middle height, a 
face expressing intelligence, and his manners so genial 
as to win friends for him from both parties. 

An important measure was adopted by Congress during 
the session, organizing the Smithsonian Institution. It 
was based upon a bequest of James Smithson, an 
English gentleman who loved science and passed much 
of his time in pursuits which might enable him to illus- 
trate it. At his death he bequeathed to his nephew, 
;i^ 1 20,000, the whole of his property, which, in case of the 
death of the latter without heirs, was to go to the gov- 
ernment of the United States, to found at Washington, 
under the name of the Smithsonian Institution, an estab- 
lishment for the increase and diffusion of knowledge. 



150 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES, 

After the death of Mr. Smithson, which occurred in 
Genoa, June 2^, 1829, and the death of the nephew of 
the testator without issue, which took place in 1835, thus 
giving the title to the bequest to the United States, the 
Honorable Richard Rush was sent to London to present 
the claim. In September, 1838, he deposited in the 
United States mint the proceeds in English sovereigns, 
which amounted to $515,169. The subject was brought 
to the attention of Congress by the President, and in the 
session of 1846 an act was adopted, creating an establish- 
ment for the increase and diffusion of knowledge among 
men, to consist of the President and Vice-President of the 
United States, the several members of the Cabinet, the Chief 
Justice of the Supreme Court, the Commissioner of the 
Patent Office, with such other persons as these may elect 
as honorary members of the institution. The act provided 
that the original fund should be lent in perpetuity to the 
Treasury of the United States, at 6 per cent., payable semi- 
annually; appropriated the interest from September 1,1838, 
when the money was received, to July i, 1846, amounting 
to $242,120, or so much thereof as might be necessary, for 
the erection of buildings, and other current incidental ex- 
penses ; that all expenditures and appropriations should 
in future be made exclusively from the accruing interest, 
and not from the principal of the fund. It was also pro- 
vided that a board of managers should be constituted, 
under the name of " Regents of the Smithsonian Insti- 
tution," to be composed of the Vice-President of the 
United States, the Chief Justice, the Mayor of Washing- 
ton, three members of the Senate, and three of the House 
of Representatives, to be selected by the President and 
Speaker thereof, with six other persons, not members of 
Congress, of whom two shall be residents in the city of 
Washington, and the other four inhabitants of the United 
States, but no two of the same State. The last section of 
the act authorized the managers to dispose of such por- 



PROFESSOR JOSEPH HENRY. I5I 

tion of the interest of the fund as the act had not other- 
wise appropriated, in such manner as they shall deem 
best suited for the promotion of the purpose of the tes- 
tator. The board of regents met and organized the 
establishment, and proceeded to elect a secretary to take 
charge of it, and to conduct it. An interesting discussion 
sprang up in regard to a suitable building to be erected, 
and plans from several architects which had been sub- 
mitted were examined. Before the selection of either of 
the plans, it was thought best to elect the secretary, 
which resulted in the choice of Joseph Henry, an eminent 
physicist, at that time Professor of Natural Philosophy 
in the College of New Jersey, at Princeton. His experi- 
ments were interesting, and his scientific discoveries were 
remarkable. In 1831, Professor Henry explained the ap- 
plicability of the facts demonstrated by his experiments 
to the instantaneous conveyance of intelligence between 
distant points by means of a magnetic telegraph, several 
years before such a telegraph was brought into practical 
operation by Professor Morse. In the choice of a secretary, 
the Board could not have made a more fortunate selection. 
Professor Henry continued his investigations, and con- 
tributed largely to the advancement of science. He was 
a man of fine organization ; his intellect, his character, his 
attainments, all constituted him an ofificer qualified for a 
satisfactory discharge of the duties of his important po- 
sition. He held the place of secretary of the Smithsonian 
Institution till his death, which occurred in Washington, 
D. C, in May, 1878. I recall an interesting interview 
with him, in the reception room of Mrs. Hayes, in 
Washington, in 1877. I was standing and conversing 
with some gentleman, when Mrs. Hayes came to me 
and said she wished to present me to some one I ought 
to know, and she took me to another part of the room 
where Professor Henry stood, and brought us face to 
face. We both exclaimed to Mrs. Haves that we were 



152 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

old friends, having known each other for more than 
thirty years. 

Of the three members appointed by the Speaker of the 
House of Representatives as regents of the Smithsonian 
Institution, at its first organization, I was one of the num- 
ber, and took part in the interesting meeting to which I 
have just referred. Among the other members present 
were Honorable Richard Rush, of Pennsylvania, and 
Honorable Rufus Choate, of Massachusetts. Having 
elected our secretary we proceeded to select a plan for 
the building. Professor Henry, who was present, advised 
the erection of a simple, inexpensive structure, upon an 
economical scale, suited to scientific investigations. Some 
of the board concurred with him in his view ; but the 
majority of the regents decided that it was proper to erect 
a building of large proportions, impressive in its style, and 
suitable to the future of so important an institution, and 
we adopted the plans for a building submitted by Mr. 
Renwick, of New York, an eminent architect. The pres- 
ent building was constructed upon that plan ; and the 
material selected, a red sandstone, is an illustration of the 
success of the board in the exercise of its duties. We 
then proceeded to discuss the plan upon which the insti- 
tution should be conducted. Some of the regents agreed 
with Professor Henry that the fund should be appropri- 
ated for the investigation of scientific subjects exclusively, 
believing that that was the proper mode of carrying out 
the bequest of Mr. Smithson ; others of the board believed 
that it was important to establish a library upon the 
largest plan, selecting books rare and expensive, and 
building up in the course of years an establishment un- 
rivalled in any part of the world. Mr. Choate advocated 
this plan, and displayed his remarkable powers, impressing 
it upon the consideration of the board. It was replied 
that it would hardly answer Mr. Smithson's expectations 
simply to accumulate a great library, because, while it 



ATTACK ON MR. WEBSTER. 1 53 

might aid in the increase of knowledge, it certainly could 
do little towards diffusing it among men. I heard the 
debate with great interest, and offered a resolution as a 
compromise between the conflicting views of the eminent 
men about me, providing a division of the fund between 
the two objects ; the resolution was adopted. Immedi- 
ately Mr. Choate came to me, and with great warmth in 
his manner said : " Sir, you deserve a statue of marble for. 
having settled the question in the way you have done." 
I thanked him for his generous appreciation of my action, 
and was gratified that I had contributed in any way to 
the advancement of the institution. 

I continued to be a member of the board of regents 
during my entire service in Congress, feeling at all times 
the deepest interest in its success, and whenever I have 
visited Washington since, I have always found a warm 
welcome from the ofificers of the Smithsonian Institution. 

In the course of the session Honorable Charles J. Inger- 
soll made a statement in regard to the use of the secret- 
service money by Mr. Webster while he held the position 
of Secretary of State in President Tyler's Cabinet. On 
the 9th of April, two days after Mr. Webster's speech in 
the Senate in defence of the treaty of Washington, Mr. 
Ingersoll arose in the House and declared that freedom 
of speech had been grossly attacked, through him, by Mr. 
Webster. He intended, he said, to make no personal 
defence but wished to explain the object of some resolu- 
tions which he was about to offer. 

The substance of the first resolution was that a call be 
made upon the Secretary of State (subsequently changed 
to the President) for an account of all payments made 
from the fund for contingent expenses on the President's 
certificates since March 4, 1841, with copies of all entries, 
receipts, letters, vouchers, and other evidences of pay- 
ment, particularly all concerning the Northeastern 
Boundary ; also a communication made by the Secretary of 



V 



154 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

State during the Twenty-seventh Congress to Mr. Gushing 
and Mr. Adams of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, re- 
garding the desire of the President to institute a special 
mission to England ; and copies of any letters on the books 
of the State Department to any officer of the United States, 
or person in New York, concerning Alexander McLeod. 

The second resolution called on the chairman of the 
Committee on Foreign Affairs for the minutes kept by 
that committee during the Twenty-seventh Congress. 
These minutes, Mr. Ingersoll said, would prove that Mr. 
Webster had lately denied the rightfulness of our claim 
in the Oregon dispute. 

The documents called for in the first resolution would, 
he said, furnish proofs of Mr. Webster's " misdemeanors 
in office," his " fraudulent misapplication and personal 
use of the public funds," and his " corrupting party 
presses with the money appropriated by law for the con- 
tingent expenses of foreign intercourse." He applied 
severe terms to Mr. Webster, and spoke of him as having 
been removed from an office to which he was a disgrace. 
Mr. Ingersoll concluded with hinting at the impeachment 
of Mr. Webster as the result of all this enlightenment of 
the House. 

An extended debate followed this extraordinary speech 
of Mr. Ingersoll. 

Mr. Dromgoole made some remarks exonerating the 
Whig party from all responsibility in the case, and 
denounced Mr. Tyler's administration in severe terms. 

Mr. Bayley opposed the resolutions upon the ground 
that a certain fund should be employed in secret service, 
and the whole utility of it would be destroyed by making 
its use a subject of investigation. No future minister 
would venture to employ it, nor would agents consent to 
perform the services necessary. The very nature and 
object of this service forbade any such prying into the 
employment of that fund. 



DEFENDED BY HIS FRIENDS. I 55 

I took part in the debate, and expressed my regret at 
the personal collision which had occurred between two so 
eminent members of Congress as Mr. Ingersoll and Mr. 
Webster. It must have arisen from misconception and 
misunderstanding. I defended Mr. Webster's character, 
and declared that his services had contributed to the 
advancement of the interests and the glory of the country, 
that he was honored and loved abroad, and regarded as 
one of the most illustrious American statesmen that had 
appeared since Washington, I stated that I regarded 
the reputation of our statesmen as public property, and 
that, in my judgment, the friends of Mr. Webster should 
be the last to place any obstacle in the way of investiga- 
tion into charges made against him. 

Mr. Winthrop was of opinion that Mr. Webster had 
shown himself fully capable of defending himself ; he only 
wished to say a word in defence of the honor and dignity 
of the House. A resolution ought not to be entertained 
which was offered by a man in a passion from the sting of 
severe rebuke. The charges were made in a spirit of 
anger and revenge. If true, why had they not been 
brought forward before ? This was an attempt to blacken 
the character and fame of one whose name would live 
after others (whom he would not designate) were buried 
in merited oblivion ; should they allow this proceeding in 
order to gratify a passion raised by personal rebuke ? 

Mr. Seddon thought that after the charges which had 
been made it was due to Mr. Webster himself that the in- 
vestigation should be made, but it should be strictly lim- 
ited to the object of ascertaining the foundation of the 
charges. His wish was to do justice to Mr. Webster. 

Mr. Adams said that the secret-service fund was dis- 
bursed on the certificates of the President, and was 
frequently of great importance and not necessarily used 
for corrupt purposes. The Secretary of State was in no 
degree responsible for its use, and it did not necessarily 



156 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

pass through his hands. The President alone had power 
to use this money, but might make the Secretary of State 
his agent in disbursing it. If any one was to be im- 
peached for its misappHcation, while Mr. Webster was 
Secretary of State, Mr. Tyler was the man. Any expen- 
diture of the money by the Secretary of State could only 
be by his order, and it was accounted for by his certifi- 
cate. No good could come from bringing to light the 
secret history of the Northeastern Boundary negotia- 
tion, or of the McLeod case ; so far as charges against 
Mr. Webster were concerned there could be no objection, 
and they would no doubt go much farther towards jus- 
tifying him than proving the charges. So far as concerned 
the secret-service fund the responsibility was wholly with 
the President. 

Mr. Yancey said Mr. Adams had intimated that the 
House of Representatives had no authority over the fund 
devoted to the secret service, and therefore no right to 
institute these inquiries. Mr. Yancey differed with him ; 
all appropriations of money, he said, belonged to the 
House, and it had the right to demand a full account of 
all expenditures. Every person intrusted with the public 
funds had been, and should be held to a rigid account. 
Mr. Ingersoll had accused Mr. Webster of a corrupt use 
of the public money, and called for evidence. This he 
had a perfect right to do ; he (Mr. Yancey) did not agree 
with Mr. Adams that the President alone was responsible 
for the use of this fund. When the money passed into 
Mr. Webster's hands he became responsible for the use 
of it. Mr. Tyler could not be brought forward to shield 
Mr. Webster. Every ofificer was responsible for his own 
acts, and if these charges were proved Mr. Webster 
might be impeached by the House. Mr. Yancey, my 
colleague, was particularly offended by what he called 
my " fulsome eulogy " of Mr. Webster, He thought it 
outrageous to compare him with Washington. He knew 



THE DISCUSSION CONTINUES. I 57 

Mr. Webster only from history, and after what he learned 
of him there he should " loathe a political affinity with 
him." What was the foundation of this eulogy ? What 
had he done to give him so much honor abroad ? Was it 
for his conduct in the late war, when he refused to vote 
clothing and supplies for the soldiers, and did everything 
in his power to embarrass the government in its hour 
of peril ? Was it for his course on the French question, 
when he declared that he would not vote a cent for 
defence if the enemy were battling down the walls of the 
Capitol? Was it the Ashburton treaty, when he gave 
away the land of the country, left murder unavenged, and 
the right of search unsettled? If Mr. Hilliard's eulogy 
was not for these things, what was it for ? Was it be- 
cause he acted now as a pensioned agent of the manufac- 
turing interests of Massachusetts ? He protested against 
the monstrous statement that Mr. Webster's name made 
the country honored and respected abroad. He had no 
doubt that Mr. Webster's name would live, but fame 
did not always depend on merit. Benedict Arnold was 
famous : " The daring youth that fired the Ephesian 
dome outlives in fame the pious fool that reared it." 
With regard to Mr. Webster's corruption, he had been 
charged with being the pensioned agent of the United 
States Bank and of Great Britain, and now he was 
charged with being the pensioned agent of the Manu- 
facturers of Massachusetts. Mr. Yancey closed by reitera- 
ting his loathing of Mr. Webster's public character, and 
declaring that if not the wisest, he was the " meanest, 
basest of mankind." All acknowledged his intellectual 
power, but intellect when not united with integrity was 
worthy of no respect. 

Others took part in the discussion, and in the course of 
it I reiterated my estimate of Mr. Webster's public ser- 
vices, and stated with emphasis that while he had not 
been compared with Washington, it was still true that he 



158 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

ranked abroad as one of the most illustrious Americans 
who had ever appeared in the history of the country. 

Some account of this appeared in the National Intelli- 
gencer, a great paper, published by Gales and Seaton, the 
organ of the Whig party, which gave offence to Mr. Yan- 
cey. On the morning it appeared I was seated at my 
desk, when a page brought me a note from Mr. Yancey, 
covering a slip from the Intelligencer, which gave an 
account of the debate between us. I give the note 
literally : 

Dear Sir : I find the following in the Intelligencer'' s report 
of yesterday's proceedings of the House : " A brief personal 
explanation then took place between Mr. Hilliard and Mr. 
Yancey in relation to a passage in the speech of the latter, as 
reported in the Union. Mr. Hilliard warmly disclaimed hav- 
ing said anything that could possibly derogate from the char- 
acter of Washington, and complained of having, in that respect, 
been misrepresented by his colleague ; but after mutual ex- 
planations Mr. Yancey made such disclaimers as were entirely 
satisfactory to Mr. Hilliard, and the affair ended in the most 
friendly manner." 

I desire to call your attention to it in a friendly spirit, and 

to know if it is correct. 

Yours respectfully, 

W, L. Yancey. 
House of Representatives, June 19th. 

Upon receiving this note I walked over to Mr. Yancey's 
desk and took a seat by him. I said frankly : " Mr. Yan- 
cey, I have not had any interview with Mr. Stansbury 
(the reporter for the Intelligencer) in regard to any remarks 
made by either of us, but his account of the last debate 
between us is correct." Mr. Yancey did not dissent from 
my statement, but remarked : " Stansbury never liked 
me any way," or something of that sort. After a pleas- 
ant conversation I returned to my seat, and nothing fol- 
lowed the incident. 



THE PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE. 159 

Some other remarks were made touching the subject, 
and Mr. Ingersoll's resolutions were adopted by a vote 
of one hundred and thirty-six to twenty-eight. 

The message of President Polk in reply to Mr. Inger- 
soll's resolutions was received on the 20th of April ; he 
gave some account of the fund for contingent expenses, 
a part of which was disbursed solely on the authority of 
the President, no evidence being required by the law ex- 
cept his certificate. Since 1810 this had been expended 
in pursuance of the provisions of the present law, and no 
inquiry had ever been made as to its use. The certificate 
of the President was in effect a solemn determination that 
the use of that money should remain secret, and there 
was great doubt whether his successor could be justified 
in making it public when there was no means of forming 
an adequate judgment of the propriety of the objects for 
which it had been employed. If he was authorized to 
answer this call he must answer all similar ones. It had 
never been attempted to make public the use of this 
fund, and he (the President) greatly apprehended the 
consequences of such a precedent, for it would entirely 
defeat its purpose. It was admitted to be a necessity 
that such resources should be used, and they must be 
used in secret service, and kept, therefore, from the pub- 
lic. " While this law exists in full force," said the Presi- 
dent, " I feel bound by a high sense of public policy and 
duty to observe its provisions and the uniform practice 
of my predecessors under it." The papers relating to 
McLeod were submitted. Some further discussion took 
place in regard to certain points presented by Mr. Inger- 
soll, and Mr. Schenck then offered a resolution providing 
for the appointment of a committee of five to ascertain 
how the seal of confidence had been broken with regard 
to the records and papers of the State Department, and 
how Mr. Ingersoll obtained the information which he 
claimed to have — whether by his own fancy or that of 



l6o POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

others, and whose. Power to send for persons and papers 
was conferred. An amendment was offered proposing 
the appointment of a second committee, to inquire into 
the truth of Mr. Ingersoll's charges, with a view to found 
an impeachment against Mr. Webster, having power to 
send for persons, papers, books, and vouchers. The reso- 
lution with the amendment was adopted, and the two 
committees were appointed. The committees appointed 
to make these investigations did not report until the 
month of June. President Tyler came voluntarily from 
Virginia to vindicate Mr. Webster before the committee 
authorized to inquire into the use of the secret-service 
fund. This committee, after stating the result of their 
investigation, concluded their report in these words : " In 
their opinion there is no proof in relation to any of the 
charges to impeach Mr. Webster's integrity or the purity 
of his motives in the discharge of the duties of his 
oflfice." This report was signed by Samuel F. Vinton, 
Jefferson Davis, Daniel P. King, and Seaborn Jones. Mr. 
Brinckerhoff presented a minority report, making some 
statement as to the amount involved. Both reports were 
laid on the table and ordered to be printed. Nothing 
came of this matter which is necessary to notice, or which 
possesses any sort of interest for the public. 

Some days later Mr. Ingersoll, seated by my side, ex- 
pressed his regret at having fallen into an error in his 
statement as to Mr. Webster's course, and said that he was 
disposed to address a note to that gentleman, and would 
do so promptly if he could be assured as to the manner 
in which it would be received by him ; and he requested 
me to have an interview with Mr. Webster in regard to 
the matter. I said to Mr. Ingersoll that I would cheer- 
fully see Mr. Webster, and ascertain his views in regard 
to the subject. I walked over to the Senate-chamber 
and had an interview with Mr. Webster, in which I stated 
that Mr. Ingersoll was ready to address a note to him 



MR. WEBSTER'S SPEECH. l6l 

expressing his regret as to the statement made by him in 
the House in regard to Mr. Webster's course while Sec- 
retary of State, if he could be assured that it would be 
received kindly and replied to in friendly terms. Mr. 
Webster said : " Mr. Hilliard, if Mr. IngersoU should think 
proper to address a note to me upon that subject I will 
receive it, but I must decline to commit myself in ad- 
vance as to the manner in which it will be treated by me ; 
Mr. IngersoU must trust entirely to my generosity." After 
some brief conversation with Mr. Webster I returned 
to my seat in the House and reported to Mr. IngersoU 
what had occurred. He declined to send the note, and 
expressed his regret at Mr. Webster's hesitation to meet 
his advance in a friendly way. In the course of a few 
days Mr. Webster delivered in the Senate a speech in 
vindication of his course while holding the office of Secre- 
tary of State in the Cabinet of Mr. Tyler, in which he 
treated Mr. Ingersoll's statements in regard to himself 
with extreme severity, denouncing that gentleman in 
very strong terms personally. The next day Mr. Inger- 
soU, who seemed to be greatly angered, said to me that 
he would challenge Mr. Webster, and that if he refused to 
meet him he would pursue him with pistols to Boston. 
Nothing occurred as the result of this incident. The 
relations of the two gentlemen remained unchanged. 




CHAPTER XVIII. 



Second Session of the Twenty-Ninth Congress — President's Message — 
Vigorous Prosecution of the War Recommended — General Taylor's 
Victories — Monterey — General Scott, Commander-in-Chief — The Battle 
of Buena Vista — General Scott's Expedition against Vera Cruz and the 
Capture of that City — The President Recommends to Congress the 
Appointment of a Lieutenant-General — Action of the House and of the 
Senate in Regard to this Recommendation — General Proceedings of 
Congress. 

Congress assembled at the regular period, the first 
Monday in December. The President's message was 
communicated to both houses, and dwelt largely upon 
the war with Mexico, and expressed great gratification 
at the success of our arms under General Taylor. Soon 
after the adjournment of the first session of Congress 
General Taylor proceeded to attack Monterey. In Sep- 
tember, being reinforced, his command numbering now 
upwards of six thousand men, mostly volunteers, he 
took a position in the immediate neighborhood of Mon- 
terey and made his arrangements for an early assault 
upon it. The city was strongly fortified and occupied by 
General Ampudia with some ten thousand regular troops. 
Monterey is situated in the midst of lofty mountains on 
three sides and an open valley on the other, and was not 
only fortified with thick stone walls, in the old Spanish 
style, with ditches and bastions bristling with cannon, 
but the flat-roofed houses were all converted into fortifi- 
cations, every street was barricaded, and every house was 
provided with veteran troops armed with musketry. On 

162 



THE BATTLE OF MONTEREY. 1 63 

one side was the bishop's palace, an extremely strong 
and well fortified fort on the other, with redoubts, and 
in the rear a river. Besides its garrison of ten thousand 
men it contained a population of fifteen thousand, which 
could supply nearly three thousand volunteers. The 
Mexican force was in reality about thirteen thousand 
men for its defence, while the force of General Taylor was 
less than seven thousand men, a great inequality against 
the Americans. It will be seen then that the American 
force under General Taylor was about to attack a city 
which seemed to defy assault from even an equal force, 
but General Taylor, disregarding the overwhelming dis- 
advantage which he had to fight against, proceeded to 
assault the city. After several days of desperate fighting 
Ampudia capitulated, and General Taylor took possession 
of the city. He established his headquarters at Monterey, 
but without loss of time proceeded to prepare for an 
advance and sent a strong detachment to Saltillo, a most 
important point. He was about to march upon San 
Luis Potosi, when an order was received by him from the 
War Department, transferring a large part of his force to 
the reinforcement of General Scott, who was fitting out an 
expedition against Vera Cruz. 

General Scott had been appointed by the President 
commander-in-chief of the army. General Taylor was left 
with barely five thousand men, nearly all of whom were 
volunteers who had never seen a battle. 

Upon receiving orders to repair to Mexico, General 
Scott wrote a letter to his old friend. General Taylor, 
dated New York, November 23, 1846, in which he assures 
him of his strong desire to meet him in person, that he 
felicitated him upon his many brilliant achievements, but 
would not be able to see him at that time. He says : 

" I am not coming, my dear General, to supersede you in the 
immediate command on the line of operations rendered illus- 



164 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

trious by you and your gallant army. My proposed theatre is 
dififerent. You may imagine it ; and I wish very much that it 
were prudent at this distance to tell you all that I expect to 
attempt or hope to execute. . . But, my dear General, I 

shall be obliged to take from you most of the gallant officers 
and men (regulars and volunteers) whom you have so long and 
so nobly commanded. I am afraid that I shall, by imperious 
necessity — the approach of yellow fever on the Gulf coast — re- 
duce you, for a time, to stand on the defensive. This will be 
infinitely painful to you, and for that reason distressing to me. 
But I rely upon your patriotism to submit to the temporary 
sacrifice with cheerfulness. No man can better afford to do so. 
Recent victories place you on the high eminence ; and I even 
flatter myself that any benefit that may result to me personally 
from the unequal division of troops alluded to will lessen the 
pain of your consequent inactivity." 

General Scott, in withdravi^ing so large a number of 
General Taylor's forces from him, was but carrying out 
the wishes of the administration. General Taylor con- 
tinued at Victoria, to which he had proceeded, until about 
the last of January, 1847, when he returned to Monterey. 
His force now consisted of volunteers, with the exception 
of about four hundred and fifty regular troops, including 
Colonel May's dragoons. In the beginning of February 
he was reinforced by new volunteers, which increased his 
army to about six thousand men. With this small troop, 
composed mostly of men who had never faced an enemy, 
General Taylor had to garrison Monterey and hold in 
check the overwhelming army of Santa Anna, then ad- 
vancing upon him. Immediately after arriving at Monte- 
rey, General Taylor received information that a party of 
observation, consisting of about one hundred picked men, 
under Colonel May, had been surprised at Encarnacion 
while attempting to gain some intelligence of the enemy, 
and that Captain Cassius M, Clay and Major Borland and 
Major Gaines had been taken prisoners by a Mexican force, 



GENERAL TAYLOR AT BUENA VISTA. 1 65 

under General Minon, of fifteen hundred men. This intel- 
ligence, together with the belief that Santa Anna might 
make an attempt to reconquer some of the possessions be- 
tween Monterey and the Rio Grande, and thus cut off his 
communication with Matamoras, determined General Tay- 
lor to march at once to Saltillo with the view to give him 
battle. He accordingly took up his march from Monterey 
on the 31st of January, leaving a force of about fifteen 
hundred men to garrison that city, and arrived at Saltillo 
on the 2d of February. He had been reinforced in the 
meantime by the arrival of five hundred more volunteers, 
which made the effective force under his command five 
thousand strong. Two days after he marched to Agua 
Nueva, a strong position twenty miles from Saltillo on 
the San Luis side of that city, and encamped there for 
the purpose of disciplining his troops and to observe the 
movements of the enemy. Here he remained until the 
2ist of February, examining the situation of the country, 
the passes through the mountains, and the best point at 
which to await an attack from Santa Anna. On the 21st 
information was brought him that Santa Anna was ad- 
vancing at the head of his whole army and was then 
within a short distance. Believing Buena Vista, a point 
twelve miles nearer to Saltillo, and eight miles from that 
city, to be a much more favorable position at which to 
make a stand against such overwhelming odds, he fell 
back to that place and formed his army in order of battle, 
and calmly awaited the approach of the enemy. Nothing 
could illustrate General Taylor's great qualities more 
clearly than his decision to stand in that mountain pass 
with his small force awaiting the attack of Santa Anna 
with twenty thousand disciplined troops. He estimated 
the full extent of his danger, he felt the magnitude of his 
responsibility, but, undaunted by what confronted him, 
he determined to make a stand. Comprehending his 
surroundings and all that they involved, he wrote to a 



l66 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

friend the evening before the battle and expressed the 
sentiments which filled his heart : 

" This may be the last communication you will receive from 
me. I have been stripped by the government of regular 
troops, and reduced in volunteers, and thus stripped and at 
the mercy of the foe I have been expected by my country to 
retreat or resign. I care not for myself, but I feel deeply for 
the noble soldiers about to be sacrificed by their country. I 
shall stand and give them battle, relying on a just Providence 
for a right result." 

He would neither retreat nor resign ; he would fight. 
There flashed forth a great spirit ; the battle came ; the 
odds were fearful, but who could doubt the result when 
American troops stood in that modern Thermopylae, and 
in the presence of such a leader ? It was in vain that 
the Mexican artillery played upon their ranks, or Mexi- 
can infantry bore down with the bayonet, or Mexican 
lancers charged. The spirit of the great leader pervaded 
the men who fought with him, and a single glance of his 
eye could re-animate a wavering column. Like Napoleon 
at the Danube he held his men under fire, because he was 
exposed to it himself ; and like him, wherever he rode 
along the lines, mounted on a white charger, a conspicu- 
ous mark for balls, men would stand and be shot down, 
but they would not give way. Of General Taylor on that 
day it may be said, as it has been said of Lannes at 
Montebello : " He was the rock of that battle-field, around 
which men stood with a tenacity that nothing could move. 
If he had fallen, in five minutes that battle would have been 
a rout." That battle closed General Taylor's military car- 
eer, and that battle alone gives him a title to immortality. 
/ Early on the 22d of February the clouds of dust told 

that the Mexican army was on the advance. The long 
roll of the drum summoned the men to the field, and 
regiments were formed and artillery posted, and every 



THE TWO ARMIES. 1 6/ 

possible advantage taken of the ground. The leading 
columns of the enemy were seen at a distance of two 
miles, steadily advancing in the most perfect order. Some 
two thousand lancers with the artillery, fourteen pieces, 
of different calibre, from twenty-fours down, composed the 
leading division, and then a host of infantry and lances came 
into view and filed into position. The morning was fine, and 
the sun glancing on the lances and bayonets of the twenty- 
one thousand men, the rattling of their artillery and car- 
riages, the treading of their richly caparisoned horses, and 
the continued sound of their bugles, constituted the most 
impressive spectacle. General Taylor had made such a 
disposition of his force as would enable him to receive the 
attack of the enemy in a way to deprive the overwhelm- 
ing army of Santa Anna of many of the advantages it 
would have possessed if the engagement had taken place 
upon the plain. On his right was a deep ravine, im- 
practicable to be turned by cavalry or artillery, while on 
the left the mountains of Sierra Madre towered two thou- 
sand feet in height. The spur of continuous hills running 
from the mountains nearly to the ravine was occupied by 
the American troops, while the space between the spur of 
hills and the ravine, over which the San Luis road runs, 
was occupied by five pieces of light artillery, commanded 
by Captain Washington, overlooking Washington's bat- 
tery and within near musket-shot, on a high hill, on the 
crown of which the First Regiment of Illinois Volunteers 
was posted to cover the battery and protect the centre. 
As soon as he received intelligence of Santa Anna's ap- 
proach, General Taylor moved forward with May's squad- 
ron of dragoons ; Sherman's and Bragg's battalions of 
artillery and the Mississippi riflemen, under Colonel Jeffer- 
son Davis, arrived at the position which he had selected 
for awaiting the attack of the enemy. 

In the choice of his position General Taylor exhibited 
the same sagacity which characterized his dispositions at 



l68 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

Resaca de la Palma, and which crowned triumphantly all 
his operations at Monterey. Mountains rose on either 
side of an irregular unbroken valley, about three miles in 
width, dotted over with hills, ridges, and intersected 
with broad and winding ravines. The main road ran 
along the course of an arroyo, the bed of which was so 
deep as to form an almost impassable barrier, while the 
other side was bounded by precipitous elevations stretch- 
ing perpendicularly towards the mountain, and separated 
by gullies until they mingled into one at the base of the 
principal range. On the right of the narrowest point of 
the roadway a battalion of the First Illinois regiment 
under Colonel Weatherford was stationed in a small 
trench, extending to the ravine, while on the opposite 
height the main body of the regiment under Colonel Har- 
din was posted, with a single piece of artillery from 
Captain Washington's battery. The post of honor, on 
the extreme right, was assigned to Bragg's artillery, his 
left supported by the Second regiment of Kentucky, 
afterwards under McKee, left flank of which rested upon 
the arroyo. Washington's battery occupied a position 
immediately in front of the narrow point of the roadway, 
in the rear of which, and somewhat to the left, on another 
height, the Second Illinois regiment under Colonel Bissel 
was posted. Next, on the left, the Indiana brigade, under 
General Lane, was deployed, while on the extreme left 
the Kentucky cavalry under Colonel Marshall occupied a 
position directly under the summits of the mountains. 
The two squadrons of First and Second Dragoons, and 
the Arkansas cavalry, under Colonel Yell, were posted i i 
the rear, ready for any service which the exigencies of th j 
day might require. Some time after these dispositions 
had been made clouds of dust were seen to roll up as the 
enemy advanced, and showed that his numbers were im- 
mense. At this moment the presence of Santa Anna was 
indicated by a white flag which was seen floating in the 



GENERAL TAYLOR REFUSES TO SURRENDER. 1 69 

breeze, and presently Surgeon Lindenberg, of the Mexi- 
can army, arrived, bearing a note from his commander-in- 
chief. It was a missive addressed to General Taylor, 
demanding from him terms of unconditional surrender, 
promising good treatment, assuring him that his force 
amounted to upwards of twenty thousand men ; that the 
defeat of the Americans was inevitable, and suggested 
that to spare effusion of blood, his proposition should be 
complied with. The messenger was received by Gen- 
eral Taylor, who, with his secretary. Colonel Bliss, took 
him to a point where they could hold a conversation. 
Upon the contents of the note being read to General 
Taylor, he was scarcely able to repress his indignation, 
and expressed himself in strong terms. Colonel Bliss was 
instructed to decline emphatically the invitation of Santa 
Anna, in terms which Colonel Bliss did not write. He 
wrote, instead of giving it literally, these words : " Gen- 
eral Taylor never surrenders." The messenger returned 
^o the Mexican commander-in-chief and delivered the 
message. Hours rolled by without any movements on 
the part of the enemy, but at length the fire was opened 
from a mortar throwing several shells into the American 
camp without execution. The Kentucky cavalry and 
Arkansas troops were posted near the mountain, and 
as skirmishers, having been first dismounted, brought on 
the action at half-past four o'clock on the 22d, by enga- 
ging about fifteen hundred of the enemy's light troops, 
who had been deployed on the top of the mountain to 
turn the American left. The American riflemen advanced 
to the side of the mountain, extending their line to pre- 
vent the enemy from flanking them, and fighting as they 
toiled up the almost perpendicular ascent, until the whole 
side of the mountain, from the base to the summit, was 
a sheet of fire. The firing continued until after dark, 
when our riflemen retired, the enemy remaining in pos- 
session of the heights. General Taylor's army slept on 



I/O POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

their arms, and awaited the renewal of the battle on the 
next day. The first gun on the 23d was fired at dayHght, 
and the firing continued until darkness put an end to the 
engagement. I do not propose to give a full account of 
the great battle which followed, but only to present some 
of its most striking features. Our regiments, advancing 
to attack five times their numbers, succeeded at times in 
driving them with great loss, until the enemy, reinforced 
by fresh troops, rallied, and advancing with overwhelming 
numbers, compelled our forces to fall back. Throughout 
the varying fortunes of the day the utmost heroism was 
displayed by our troops, and it required the presence of 
General Taylor at several points to arrest the advance of 
the enemy. He was at times under the hottest fire of the 
enemy ; the breast of his coat was pierced by a canister 
shot, when he remarked coolly : " These balls are growing 
excited." His horse, " Old Whitey," was once or twice 
wounded, but bore General Taylor through all the fatigues 
and perils of the day. 

At one time in the course of the battle the Mexican in- 
fantry advanced in three columns, composed of eight 
regiments, and opened a terrific fire upon the American 
force. A regiment awaiting their advance was ordered to 
open upon them, and for thirty minutes poured into them 
as galling a fire as ever was witnessed, our troops dischar- 
ging their pieces not less than twenty times within point- 
blank. Here we had about sixty officers and men killed 
and wounded ; a part of a supporting regiment having 
given way, the Mexican lancers crossed the ravine and 
came down on our left flank, when the American troops 
fell back some hundred and fifty yards, where they rallied, 
halted, and formed again. 

The Second Kentucky, commanded by Colonel McKee, 
was ordered up, as well as Colonel Hardin's First Illi- 
noisians. Colonel Hardin, with his gallant regiment, 
advanced upon the Mexicans and drove them back. By 



THE BATTLE RAGES, lyi 

the time the Second Kentucky came up, the regiment 
which had borne the fierce attack of the immense mass of 
Mexican troops raUied, and the combined force made a 
magnificent charge, driving back four times their number, 
kilHng and wounding an immense number of the enemy, 
and capturing the standard of the battahon of Cuanahuoto. 
The battle continued to rage, and the artillery was ad- 
vanced ; its front, extended at different sections, and 
pieces under Sherman, Bragg, O'Brien, and other officers, 
were working such carnage in the ranks of the enemy as 
to make his columns reel. Washington's battery on the 
right had now opened its fire and driven back a large 
party of lancers advancing in that direction. Along the 
entire line the battle raged with great fury. The myriads 
of Mexican cavalry still pressed forward on Taylor's left 
and threatened a charge upon the Mississippi Rifles, under 
Colonel Davis, who immediately threw his command into 
the form of a V, the opening toward the enemy, and 
waited his advance. On came the Mexican lancers, dash- 
ing with all the speed of Mexican horses, but when they 
were at a point from which their eyes could be seen, both 
lines poured forth a sheet of lead that scattered them like 
chaff, killing many horses and emptying the saddles of 
their riders. While the dispersed Mexican cavalry were 
rallying, the Third Indiana regiment, under Colonel 
Lane, was ordered to join Colonel Davis, supported by a 
considerable body of horse. The Mexican cavalry, ob- 
serving about this time our wagon-train, which displayed 
its length along the Saltillo road, made an attack upon it, 
but General Taylor, observing it, ordered our cavalry, led 
by May's dragoons, with squadrons of cavalry, to attack 
them, who dashed upon them in the most brilliant style, 
and effectually dispersed them. Some time later an 
immense body of Mexican troops advanced upon our 
artillery, which, left unsupported, its capture by the 
enemy seemed inevitable ; overwhelming numbers were 



172 POL/ TICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

driving back several regiments, who, with their gallant 
colonels, were still resisting them ; and at this moment 
three of our splendid officers fell at the head of their 
commands — John J. Hardin, Colonel McKee, and Lieut.- 
Col. Henry Clay. But at this crisis Bragg and Thomas 
distinguished themselves, winning fame, surpassing that 
which they acquired at Monterey, while Sherman, O'Brien^ 
and Bryan proved themselves worthy of the alliance. 
Every horse with O'Brien's battery was killed, and the 
enemy had advanced to within range of grape, sweeping 
all before him. General Taylor describes this scene in 
his report to the Secretary of War : 

" In the meantime the firing had partially ceased upon the 
principal field. The enemy seemed to confine his efforts to the 
protection of his artillery. I had left the plateau for a moment 
when I was recalled thither by a very heavy musketry fire. On 
regaining that position I discovered that our infantry (Illinois 
and Second Kentucky) had engaged a greatly superior force of 
the enemy (evidently his reserve), and that they had been over- 
whelmed by numbers. The moment was most critical. Cap- 
tain O'Brien with two pieces had sustained this heavy charge to 
the last, but was finally obliged to leave his guns on the field, 
his infantry being entirely routed. Captain Bragg, who had 
just arrived from the left, was ordered at once into battery ; 
without any infantry to support him, and at the imminent risk 
of losing his guns, this officer came rapidly into action, the 
Mexican lines being but a few yards from the muzzles of his 
pieces. The first discharge of canister caused the enemy to 
hesitate, the second and the third drove him back in disorder, 
and saved the day. The Second Kentucky regiment, which 
had advanced beyond supporting distance in this affair, was 
driven back, and closely pressed by the enemy's cavalry. 
Taking a ravine which led in the direction of Captain Wash- 
ington's battery, their pursuers became exposed to his fire, 
which soon checked and drove them back with loss. In the 
meantime the rest of our artillery had taken position on the 
plateau covered by the Mississippi and Third Indiana regi- 



REPORT TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR. I73 

merits, the former of which had reached the ground in time to 
pour fire into the right flank of the enemy, and thus contribute 
to his repulse. In this last conflict we had the misfortune to 
sustain a very heavy loss ; Col. Hardin, First Illinois, Col, 
McKee, and Lieutenant-Col. Clay, Second Kentucky regiment, 
fell at this time while gallantly leading their commands. No 
further attempt was made by the enemy to force our position, 
and the approach of night gave an opportunity to pay proper 
attention to the wounded, and also to refresh the soldiers who 
had been exhausted by incessant watchfulness and combat. 
Though the night was severely cold the troops were compelled 
for the most to bivouac without fires, expecting that morning 
would renew the conflict. During the night the wounded were 
removed to Saltillo and every preparation made to receive the 
enemy should he again attack our position. Seven fresh com- 
panies were drawn from the town, and Brigadier-General 
Marshall, with a reinforcement of Kentucky cavalry, and four 
heavy guns under Captain Prentice, First Cavalry, was near at 
hand, when it was discovered that the enemy had abandoned 
his position during the night. Our scouts soon ascertained 
that he had fallen back upon Agua Nueva. . . The 

American force engaged in the action of Buena Vista is shown 
by the accompanying field report to have been 334 officers, and 
4,425 men, exclusive of the small command left in and near 
Saltillo. Of this number two squadrons of cavalry and three 
batteries of light artillery, making not more than 453 men, com- 
posed the only force of regular troops. The strength of the 
Mexican army is stated by General Santa Anna in his summons 
to be twenty thousand ; and that estimate is confirmed by all 
the information since obtained. . . . Our loss has been 
especially severe in officers, twenty-eight having been killed 
upon the field. I perform a grateful duty in bringing to the 
notice of the government the general good-conduct of the 
troops. . . . The services of the light artillery, always 
conspicuous, were more than usually distinguished. Moving 
rapidly over the roughest ground it was always in action at the 
right place and the right time, and its well-directed fire dealt 
destruction in the masses of the enemy. While I recommend 



174 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

to particular favor the gallant conduct and valuable services of 
Major Munroe, Chief of Artillery, and Captains Washington, 
Fourth Artillery, and Sherman and Bragg, Third Artillery, 
commanding batteries, I deem it no more than just to mention 
the subordinate officers. . . . The Mississippi riflemen 
under Col. Davis were highly conspicuous for their gallantry 
and steadiness, and sustained throughout the engagement the 
reputation of veteran troops. Brought into action against an 
immensely superior force they maintained themselves for a long 
time unsupported, and with heavy loss, and held an important 
part of the field until reinforced. Colonel Davis was severely 
wounded, but remained in the saddle until the close of the 
action. His distinguished coolness and gallantry at the head 
of his regiment on this day entitled him to a particular notice 
of the government. 

This brilliant victory of General Taylor not only roused 
the enthusiasm of our own people throughout the nation, 
but it attracted notice from the leading military men of 
other countries. There are strong points of resemblance 
between the battle of Buena Vista and that of Agincourt, 
where the English troops under Henry V. won a great 
victory against overwhelming numbers on the plains of 
France. Some short time after the account of General 
Taylor's victory reached Washington, I was writing a 
paper for publication, pointing out the resemblance be- 
tween the great battle which he had won and that of 
Agincourt, when, meeting Sir Henry Lytton Bulwer, the 
English Minister — who had just returned from New York, 
where he had made a speech at a dinner given by the 
New England Society in that city, in which he had 
stated his own idea in glowing terms as to that fact, — I 
said to him : " Sir Henry, you have anticipated, in your 
speech in New York, what I was about to say in a paper 
which I am writing, pointing out the strong lines of 
resemblance between the battle of Buena Vista and that 
of Agincourt." " Well, Mr. Hilliard," he replied, play- 



HENRY V. AT AGINCOURT. 1/5 

fully, " it is another instance of fine minds thinking 
alike." I was gratified in having my own impressions 
approved by the observation of so distinguished a gentle- 
man. In Shakespeare's " King Henry V." a scene is 
described as occurring in an English camp at Agincourt, 
which may enable us to understand the emotions of 
General Taylor when he looked over the small force with 
which he was about to receive the attack of overwhelming 
numbers. 

Westmoreland exclaims : 

" O that we now had here 

\Enter King Henry. 
But one ten thousand of those men in England 
That do no work to-day ! 

" K. Hen. What 's he that wishes so ? 

My cousin Westmoreland ? — No, my fair cousin : 
If we are mark'd to die, we are enow 
To do our country loss ; and if to live, 
The fewer men the greater share of honor. 
God's will ! I pray thee, wish not one man more." 

Some time after General Taylor's return to the country 
and his election to the presidency, I held a conversation 
with him in the White House, in which he expressed to 
me in terms of perfect frankness his own view of the sur- 
roundings at Buena Vista ; and the night before the battle 
occurred, he said : 

" I comprehended the danger of the situation, and wrote 
two letters, one to a friend at home, and another to my wife. 
In them I stated that it might be the last communication they 
would ever receive from me ; a battle was about to open where 
I should have to meet overwhelming numbers, but that my 
sense of duty did not permit me to avoid it, and that I had 
made up my mind to stand. I felt when I went into action the 
next day that I fought with a rope about my neck." 

The conduct of the war was now assumed by General 
Scott, commanding-in-chief. On March g, 1847, ^^ landed 



1/6 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

near Vera Cruz with about twelve thousand men ; that city- 
was immediately besieged, and before the end of the 
month it was surrendered. General Scott advanced, and, 
after a series of hard-fought, brilliant, and successtul 
battles, entered the city of Mexico on the 14th day of 
September. General Scott with his army occupied the 
Mexican capital until after the ratification of the treaty 
of peace, which was negotiated at Guadalupe Hidalgo, 
February 2, 1848, by Honorable Nicholas P. Trist, on the 
part of the United States. 

A message was received from the President recom- 
mending the appointment of a lieutenant-general to take 
command of the whole army of the United States, and it 
was understood that Mr. Benton, the United States Sena- 
tor from Missouri, was to be named for that important 
place. The bill for the creation of the office passed the 
House of Representatives, but was defeated in the Senate. 
It was understood that three of President Polk's Cabinet 
Ministers were opposed to the measure — Mr. Marcy, Mr. 
Walker, and Mr. Buchanan throwing the full weight of 
their influence against it. 

A protracted and heated debate arose in the Senate, 
^ growing out of the resolutions introduced by Mr. Cal- 
*^\^^"" ^'^o'-^" on the 19th of February, asserting in clear and 
V comprehensive terms the following propositions : That 

the territories of the United States belonged to the 
several States composing this Union, and are held by 
them as their joint and common property ; and that Con- 
gress has no power to prohibit slavery in a territory ; 
and that the exercise of such a power would be a 
breach of the Constitution, and leading to the subversion 
of the Union. 

Mr. Calhoun made a speech in support of his resolutions, 
asserting that the slave-holding States should support 
them by their action, in the event that the Senate should 
not sustain them. Mr. Calhoun said : 



MR. CALHOUN'S " FIREBRAND:' 1 77 

" It is a question for our constituent slave-holding States. 
A solemn and a great question. If the decision should be 
adverse, I trust, and do believe, that they will take under con- 
sideration what they ought to do. I give no advice. It would 
be hazardous and dangerous for me to do so. But I am 
speaking as an individual member of that section of the Union. 
There I drew my first breath. There are my hopes. There 
are my family and connections. I am a planter — a cotton 
planter. I am a Southern man — and a slave-holder ; a kind 
and merciful one I trust — and none the worse for being a slave- 
holder. I say for one that I would rather meet any extremity 
on earth than give up one inch of our equality — one inch of 
what belongs to us as members of this great republic. What, 
acknowledge inferiority ! The surrender of life is nothing to 
sinking down into acknowledged inferiority. 

** I have examined this subject largely — widely. I think I see 
the future if we do not stand up as we ought. In my humble 
opinion, in that case the condition of Ireland is happy, the 
condition of Hindostan is prosperous and happy, the condi- 
tion of Jamaica is prosperous and happy, to what the Southern 
States will be if they do not now stand up manfully in defence 
of their rights." 

When these resolutions were read Mr. Benton rose in 
his place and called them "firebrand." Mr. Calhoun said 
he had expected the support of Mr. Benton, " as a repre- 
sentative of a slave-holding State." Mr. Benton answered 
that it was impossible that he could have expected such a 
thing. Then, said Mr. Calhoun, " I shall know where to 
find the gentleman." To which Mr. Benton replied : " I 
shall be found in the right place — on the side of my coun- 
try and the Union. 

Mr. Calhoun demanded the prompt consideration of his 
resolutions ; giving notice that he would call them up the 
next day and press them to a speedy and final vote. He 
did call them up, but never called for the vote ; nor was 
any ever had. The condition had not happened on which 



178 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

they were to be taken up by the slave States ; but they 
were sent out to all such States, and adopted by some of 
them. A great slavery agitation followed, founded upon 
the proposition of " No power in Congress to legislate 
upon slavery in the territories," which led later to mo- 
mentous results. The slavery agitation throughout the 
United States rose, and before a great while a great sec- 
tional antagonism resulted from it. The Wilmot proviso 
still hung over the South as a menace, and the action of 
some of the Northern States, repealing the slave-sojourn- 
ment law within their limits and obstructing the recovery 
of fugitive slaves, displayed the animus of the leaders of 
the anti-slaveiy sentiment against the institution of 
slavery. 

Before the adjournment of Congress an incident oc- 
curred of unusual interest, growing out of hot words spoken 
by two members of the House of Representatives in a 
debate upon some question touching the action of the 
administration. General Bayley, of Virginia, a leading 
Democrat and a gentleman of great ability, in a discussion 
with Hon. Garrett Davis, of Kentucky, uttered some 
words of marked discourtesy, to which the gentleman 
from Kentucky made a brief reply and took his seat. Mr. 
Davis was well known not only as a man of ability but 
of high spirit, and it was supposed something serious 
might grow out of the collision in debate. After the 
adjournment of the House Mr. Davis saw Senator Barrow, 
of Louisiana, and induced him to bear a message to 
General Bayley, inviting that gentleman to meet him at 
Baltimore for an explanation of his offensive words. 
Senator Barrow, in the course of the evening, called at the 
residence of Mrs. Wise, where General Bayley had apart- 
ments, and delivered Mr. Davis' note. General Bayley 
stated that he would send a friend to Senator Barrow with 
a reply to his communication. General Bayley invited 
Honorable Mr. Seddon, one of his colleagues from Vir- 



.4 DUEL AVERTED. 1 79 

ginia, to call at his apartments. He did so, and General 
Bayley informed him of what had occurred, and requested 
him to bear his reply to the note of Mr. Davis, accepting 
the invitation to meet that gentleman. It seems that 
Mrs. Bayley overheard this conversation, which startled 
and distressed her to such a degree that, without consul- 
tation with General Bayley, she came immediately to call 
on me at my apartments, in Mrs. Latimer's house. Presi- 
dent's Square. In my interview with her she entreated 
me to save her husband, stating that he was about to 
meet Mr. Davis to arrange the terms of a duel. I assured 
Mrs. Bayley of my readiness to serve her if I could do so, 
but I explained that I did not see how I could intervene 
to prevent a meeting between the gentlemen. Her emo- 
tion was uncontrollable, and she reiterated to me, in lan- 
guage showing her deep distress, the request that I would 
take some step to prevent General Bayley's engaging in a 
duel with Mr. Davis. I explained to her that there was 
but one thing to be done, that, yielding to her entreaty, I 
should proceed to have General Bayley arrested and put 
under a bond to keep the peace. I promptly sent for an 
officer of police to come to my house, and instructed him 
to arrest General Bayley upon my statement that he was 
about to leave the city to arrange for a hostile meeting 
with Mr. Davis. I accompanied the officer to General 
Bayley's residence, who was greatly surprised at our intru- 
sion, but who consented to give himself up, and we 
proceeded to the police office, where General Bayley 
made his bond, upon which I placed my name also. 
Meanwhile a rumor of what had occurred reached Mr. 
Davis. He, with Senator Barrow, and Senator Critten- 
den, of Kentucky, who was about to accompany his friend, 
Mr. Davis, to Baltimore, found that to obtain seats in the 
train about to leave for Baltimore they would have to 
make a detour of a mile or two around the station, which 
they did and arrived in Baltimore. Mr. Davis and his 



l8o POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

friends were promptly informed of the detention of Gen- 
eral Bayley, and were about to return to Washington 
when Senator Barrow was taken seriously ill, and in the 
course of a day or two died. His disease resulted, it is 
supposed, from exposure on the night of his departure 
from Washington. 

This sad occurrence, of course, terminated the affair, and 
was deeply regretted by all parties. Mr. Benton in the 
Senate, and Mr. Hannegan, with others, delivered appro- 
priate and touching eulogies over the dead senator, and 
his death was also noticed in the House in terms which 
showed the great respect with which he was regarded by 
Congress, and by all who knew him. 

Congress, after a prolonged and important session, 
adjourned. 




CHAPTER XIX. 

Re-election to Congress — Opening of the Session — Organization of the 
House of Representatives — Mr. Winthrop Elected Speaker — Abraham 
Lincoln Takes his Seat in the House — New Members of the Senate — 
President's Message — Death of Mr. Adams — Circumstances Attending 
it. — Marks of Respect to his Memory — Treaty of Peace with Mexico — 
General Taylor's Return Home — Nomination to the Presidency. 

After the adjournment of Congress I returned to 
Alabama and was warmly welcomed by my friends. In 
the course of a few weeks I was nominated by a Whig 
convention for re-election and accepted the nomination. 
The Democratic party brought out no opposing candi- 
date, and I had the satisfaction of being elected to repre- 
sent the people of the whole district without regard to 
party lines. 

The opening of the session of Congress in December 
presented some features of unusual interest, some mem- 
bers of both houses having disappeared and others hav- 
ing been elected to take their places. 

The House of Representatives was organized by the 
election of the Honorable Robert C. Winthrop, of Massa- 
chusetts, as Speaker, the House having a Whig majority. 

Mr. Winthrop was eminently qualified to fill the im- 
portant position to which he was chosen ; his personal 
appearance was impressive, tall, with a face expressive of 
intellect and character, and with a bearing that would 
have distinguished him in any assembly ; his attainments 
were large ; he was a statesman and a scholar, and his 
accomplishments made him a very pleasing person in 



1 82 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

social life ; his election was received with great satisfac- 
tion throughout the country ; a Northern man but with a 
breadth of view and a liberality of sentiment that inspired 
confidence everywhere. 

Among the new members of the House there was one 
who not only attracted attention at the time but rose to 
great distinction in the country afterwards — Abraham 
Lincoln, of Illinois. 

In the Senate, Mr. Dallas, the Vice-President, presided 
with his accustomed dignity, his appearance imparting a 
charm to the position which he filled. Several new sena- 
tors appeared, among them was Mr. Jefferson Davis, of 
Mississippi. He had recently returned from Mexico, 
where he had rendered such important services in the 
army and had won great distinction. 

Mr, Stephen A. Douglas had been elected to the Senate 
from Illinois, and his distinguished services in the House 
made him at once a conspicuous senator. 

Mr. R. M. T. Hunter, who had won great distinction 
in the House of Representatives by his services, and 
having been at one time Speaker of the House, had been 
elected as a senator from Virginia. 

President Polk's message, which was promptly delivered 
to both Houses, recommended several subjects for con- 
sideration, but treated chiefly of the military events which 
had occurred in Mexico. He spoke in glowing terms of 
the brilliant victories which had been won by our arms, 
and urged still a vigorous prosecution of the war. Gen- 
eral Winfield Scott occupied the city of Mexico with his 
splendid army and was a conspicuous figure at home 
and abroad. The President referred to the triumphs of 
our arms under both the great military commanders. 
General Taylor and General Scott, and made some sug- 
gestions as to the policy of conducting the war with a 
view to securing certain advantages upon the conclusion 
of a treaty of peace with Mexico. 



LAST WORDS WITH MR. ADAMS. 183 

In the course of a few weeks an important and sad 
event occurred — the death of Honorable John Quincy 
Adams. The circumstances attending it were remarkable. 
On the 2 1st February, a resolution had been offered by a 
Whig member of the House expressing appreciation of 
the services of General Winfield Scott and tendering him 
the thanks of Congress ; immediately a Democratic mem- 
ber moved to amend the resolution by inserting the name 
of General Gideon Pillow, and also moved the previous 
question, which of course cut off debate. It was well 
known that General Pillow had been appointed by the 
President to his position in General Scott's army, and 
had conducted himself in a way so offensive to that com- 
mander as to make himself an object of criticism, and at 
length he was ordered to appear before a court-martial 
for trial. The clerk was proceeding to call the roll when 
I rose from my seat and walked to the desk of Mr. 
Adams to pay my respects to him ; I had just returned 
from a visit to Alabama, where I had been called to 
argue a cause before the Supreme Court, at Montgomery, 
and my relations with Mr. Adams made it proper that on 
the first day I entered the House after my return I should 
call and speak to him. After exchanging a word or two with 
Mr. Adams he said : " Mr. Hilliard, is not General Pillow 
under arrest at this time ? " I replied that it was under- 
stood that he had been ordered before a court-martial on 
charges preferred against him as an ofificer, " And yet," 
said Mr. Adams, " they propose to include his name in a 
resolution giving the thanks of Congress to General Scott. 
Of course the previous question cuts off debate, and I 
cannot address myself to the House, but when the call is 
ended I shall rise and ask the Speaker if General Pillow 
is not ordered before a court-martial for investigation of 
his conduct in Mexico." I saw that Mr. Adams was 
much excited, and I returned to my seat to observe the 
result. 



184 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

The National Intelligencer accurately describes what 
occurred : 

" Just after the yeas and nays were taken on a question, and 
the Speaker had risen to put another question to the House, a 
sudden cry was heard on the left of the chair. ' Mr. Adams is 
dying ! ' Turning our eyes to the spot, we beheld the vener- 
able man in the act of falling over the left arm of his chair, 
while his right arm was extended, grasping his desk for support. 
He would have dropped upon the floor had he not been 
caught in the arms of the member sitting next to him. A 
great sensation was created in the House ; members from all 
quarters rushing from their seats and gathering round the 
fallen statesman, who was immediately lifted into the area in 
front of the clerk's table. The Speaker instantly suggested 
that some gentleman move an adjournment, which being 
promptly done, the House adjourned. A sofa was brought, 
and Mr. Adams, in a state of perfect helplessness, though not 
of entire insensibility, was gently laid upon it. The sofa was 
then taken up and borne out of the Hall into the Rotunda, 
where it was set down, and the members of both houses and 
strangers, who were fast crowding around, were with some 
difficulty repressed, and an open space cleared in its immediate 
vicinity ; but a medical gentleman, a member of the House 
(who was prompt, active, and self-possessed throughout the 
whole painful scene), advised that he be removed to the door 
of the Rotunda, opening on the east portico, where a fresh 
wind was blowing. This was done ; but the air being chilly 
and loaded with vapor, the sofa was, at the suggestion of Mr. 
Winthrop, once more taken up and removed to the Speaker's 
apartment, the doors of which were forthwith closed to all but 
professional gentlemen and particular friends. While lying 
in this apartment, Mr. Adams partially recovered the use of 
his speech, and observed, in faltering accents : 'This is the 
end of earth * ; but quickly added : * I am composed.' Mem- 
bers had by this time reached Mr. A.'s abode with the melan- 
choly intelligence, and soon after Mrs. Adams and his nephew 
and niece arrived and made their way to the appalling scene. 



HIS SAD DEATH. 1 85 

Mrs. A. was deeply affected, and for some moments quite 
prostrated by the sight of her husband, now insensible, the 
pallor of death upon his countenance, those sad premonitories 
fast making their appearance, which fall with such a chill upon 
the heart." 

Soon after being taken into the Speaker's room, Mr. 
Adams sank into a state of apparent insensibility, gradu- 
ally growing weaker and weaker, until, on Wednesday 
evening, February 23d, at a quarter past 7 o'clock, he ex- 
pired without a struggle. 

While he was lying in the Speaker's room, all business 
was suspended in the Capitol. On Tuesday morning the 
House came together at the usual hour. The Speaker, 
on taking the chair, announced in a feeling manner that 
his venerable colleague was still lingering in a state of 
insensibility in the adjoining apartment ; whereupon the 
House, in solemn stillness, immediately adjourned. The 
same thing occurred on the following morning. The 
Senate also and the Supreme Court testified their grief 
by suspending all business. 

At the usual hour of meeting of the two houses of 
Congress, on Thursday, February 24th, a full attendance of 
members and crowded audiences attested the deep interest 
of the occasion which called the two houses to offer 
public testimonials of their profound respect for the 
memory of the Honorable John Quincy Adams, who 
breathed his last on the preceding evening, and whose 
mortal remains yet lay within the walls of the Capitol. 

In the House of Representatives, as soon as the House 
was called to order, the Speaker (Honorable Robert C. 
Winthrop) rose and paid a feeling and affecting tribute to 
the memory of Mr. Adams. 

When the Speaker concluded, Mr. Hudson, of Massa- 
chusetts, rose, and after making some appropriate remarks, 
moved several resolutions, expressing the deep sensibility 
of the House upon the occasion of the death of Mr„ 



1 86 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

Adams, and moved that a committee of thirty be appointed 
to superintend the funeral obsequies. 

Several other members of the House rose in their 
places and paid eloquent and touching tributes to the 
memory of the departed statesman. 

Mr. Newell, of New Jersey, rose and moved the follow- 
ing as an additional resolution : 

Resolved, That the seat in this Hall, just vacated by the 
death of the late John Quincy Adams, be unoccupied for 
thirty days ; and that it, together with the Hall, remain 
clothed with the symbol of mourning during that time. 

Mr. Tallmadge, of New York, rose and moved the fol- 
lowing resolution : 

Resolved, That the Speaker appoint one member of this 
House from each State and Territory as a committee to escort 
the remains of our venerable friend, the Honorable John 
Quincy Adams, to the place designated by his friends for his 
interment. 

All the above resolutions were unanimously agreed to. 

In the Senate, after the formal announcement of the 
death of Mr. Adams had been made, beautiful and 
impressive tributes were paid to him by several senators. 

Mr. Davis, of Massachusetts, moved the following 
resolutions ; 

Resolved, That the Senate has received with deep sensibility 
the message from the House of Representatives, announcing 
the death of the Honorable John Quincy Adams, a repre- 
sentative from the State of Massachusetts. 

Resolved^ That in token of respect for the memory of 
the deceased, the Senate will attend his funeral at the hour 
appointed by the House of Representatives, and will wear the 
usual badge of mourning for thirty days. 

Resolved, That as a further mark of respect for the memory 
of the deceased, the Senate will now adjourn until Saturday 
next, the time appointed for the funeral. 



IMPRESSIVE FUNERAL SERVICES. 187 

The resolutions were unanimously adopted, and the 
Senate adjourned until Saturday. 

Impressive funeral services were conducted on Satur- 
day, in the Hall of Representatives, in the presence of a 
great audience, after which a large procession attended 
the mortal remains of Mr. Adams to the Congressional 
burying-ground, where they were placed in a vault as a 
temporary resting-place. 

In the House of Representatives the following Monday, 
the Speaker appointed the committee of one from each 
State and Territory, under Mr. Tallmadge's resolution, to 
escort the remains to Quincy. 

I had the honor of being chosen to represent the State 
of Alabama on that occasion. Some days after, the 
remains of Mr. Adams were removed to Quincy, Massa- 
chusetts, escorted by the committee appointed by the 
Speaker. The services at Quincy were very impressive, 
and were witnessed by a large concourse of people. 

Upon our return to Boston a public dinner was ten- 
dered to the committee, at which a number of distin- 
guished persons were present : among them. Honorable 
Harrison Gray Otis, who had for years been in retire- 
ment. The brilliant career of this gentleman made his 
attendance on this occasion a conspicuous and splendid 
compliment to the committee, and gave a great charm to 
the banquet. Several speeches were delivered, and among 
them was one from Mr. Otis, which was received with 
great applause. In speaking of the committee, he referred 
to me as the representative of Alabama in terms which 
gratified me greatly. At the proper time I was called on 
for a speech, and paid a tribute to Mr. Otis and to Massa- 
chusetts, which was well received. I give a paragraph or 
two of my opening remarks : 

" Mr. President, the very handsome tribute to Alabama, to 
which we have just listened, calls for some reply on my part. 



1 88 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

" I should be insensible too, Sir, to generous emotions if I 
could remain silent after the allusion which has been made to 
the State of which I am the only representative present, by 
the very eloquent and distinguished gentleman (Hon. 
Harrison Gray Otis) to whose speech we have just listened 
with so much pleasure. If there were nothing else to make 
this evening remarkable — if we could forget that every State 
of the Union has her representative here — if we could forget 
the dignified character of that national mission which 
assembles us in this city — if we could overlook the number of 
other distinguished persons who are here this evening, the 
presence of that gentleman alone would impart to it a peculiar 
interest. 

" His illustrious career is already historical. He stands 
before us a noble impersonation of the great qualities 
which rendered the earlier period of our country's history so 
renowned. 

" Belonging to a younger generation, I think myself most 
fortunate in being present on this occasion ; I have heard 
one whose fame long since inspired the wish to meet him, and 
whose eloquence gave him the pre-eminence in Congress in 
those days when that was regarded as the highest distinction 
in this country. In his speech this evening he has shed light 
upon an eventful period in our history, and has shown that 
New England felt her full share of patriotic ardor even at the 
commencement of the late war with Great Britain. 

" He speaks of Alabama as she was when the savage roamed 
through her native forests, and when the beauty of her scenery 
might have induced the adventurous traveller to penetrate far 
into the green and pathless wilderness, or to explore her noble 
streams, if the Indian, in his untamed ferocity, had not driven 
him away from bowers hardly less beautiful than those of Eden. 

" If he were now to visit Alabama he would find the wilder- 
ness had been made glad ; the Indian has followed in the 
track of the setting sun ; civilization, wealth, and refinement 
would meet his view, and the gentleman would find himself 
welcomed to homes whose hospitality might tempt him to lin- 
ger long under her Southern skies. 



TRIBUTE TO MASSACHUSETTS. 1 89 

" It is quite true, Mr. President, that I am strongly attached 
to the Union ; my sentiments are not misunderstood by the 
gentleman who has done me the honor to refer to them ; and 
I know, Sir, that the people of Alabama are faithful to the 
Union. 

" A more patriotic people cannot be found anywhere ; they 
will stand by the government and the Constitution. With pecu- 
liar interests it is but natural that they should exhibit some 
sensibility in regard to the legislation of Congress, and the spirit 
manifested by other States. Indeed they must have lost all 
Revolutionary recollections if they did not watch with jeal- 
ousy the encroachments of the government, and demand from 
it an ample protection for all their property and all their 
rights. They have confided in the good faith of the people of 
the United States, and in the just action of the government 
which they trust will never transcend the limits of the Con- 
stitution. 

** I think. Sir, 1 may promise for Alabama that she will 
stand shoulder to shoulder with Massachusetts in upholding 
the Constitution and the Union. Massachusetts has been true 
to the Union throughout her whole history, and she will be 
loyal to it while her granite hills stand. How could she be 
otherwise ? She is covered all over with monuments which 
mark the spots where the battles of freedom were fought ; the 
blood of martyrs consecrates her soil, and the American of all 
future times will tread her plains, and visit her heights with 
such emotions as swelled the bosom of the Athenian when he 
stood upon Marathon and Thermopylae. 

" This very city was the cradle of American liberty, and the 
convulsion which rocked it was the Revolution. Yonder har- 
bor witnessed the first resistance of the American people to 
the tyranny of the British government. 

" That granite column which rises in its noble proportions, 
not far from the spot where we are now assembled, marks the 
place where American valor first resisted and repelled British 
troops. 

" But a little way from us is the spot where Washington 
rode out to take command of the army of the Revolution. 



ipO POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

" Faneuil Hall yet rings with the tones of indignant and 
heroic men who defied the colossal power of Great Britain. 

" The house of Hancock yet stands, recalling the early 
struggles of that eventful period, and bringing vividly be- 
fore us the man whose bold signature first graced the Dec- 
laration of Independence. 

" The ashes of the elder Adams are mingling with your soil, 
and we have just borne the remains of his illustrious son to 
the family tomb at Quincy." 

I passed a day or two in Boston, and was invited to 
meet a party of gentlemen at a dinner by Mr, William 
H. Prescott, the scholar and historian. Several eminent 
scholars and distinguished statesmen and enterprising 
merchants were present, and the conversation at the table 
was unusually agreeable. Some one said something 
about conundrums, and one or two were given for so- 
lution. I remarked that I had recently seen one some- 
where that pleased me, and I was called upon to give it. 
I did so in these words : " Why is a promissory note like 
a blade of grass ? " Several attempted an answer without 
success ; among the number was Honorable Mr. Holmes 
of Charleston, South Carolina. I was compelled to solve 
the question, and gave the answer : " Because it matures 
by falling due." Great satisfaction was expressed by the 
company, and the conundrum was pronounced to be one 
of the finest that had been heard. 

Some days after my return to Washington a member 
from Massachusetts came to my seat in the House, saying 
that he observed that I had dined with Mr. Prescott, in 
Boston. I replied that I had enjoyed that honor. He 
held in his hands a paper published at Cambridge which 
he handed to me, and I observed a paragraph noticing my 
presence at Mr. Prescott's table, saying that I had given 
on the occasion a conundrum of great beauty, quoting it. 
I said to my friend from Massachusetts that I did not 
intend to be understood as claiming the authorship of the 



THE TREATY WITH MEXICO. 191 

conundrum, but simply gave it as one I had read some- 
where. 

The President sent a message to Congress stating that 
a treaty of peace had been concluded with Mexico, on the 
2d of February, 1848. By the treaty New Mexico and 
Upper California were ceded to the United States, and 
the lower Rio Grande, from its mouth to the El Paso, 
taken for the boundary of Texas. These were our acqui- 
sitions. On the other hand the United States agreed to 
pay to Mexico fifteen millions of dollars, in five install- 
ments, annually after the first, which first installment was 
to be paid down in the City of Mexico as soon as the arti- 
cles of pacification were signed and ratified there. The 
claims of American citizens against Mexico were all 
assumed, limited to three and a quarter millions of 
dollars. This acquisition of territory from Mexico, while 
it added largely to the possessions and resources of the 
United States, was the cause of momentous events, which 
will be noticed hereafter. The question of the introduc- 
tion of slavery into the territories acquired from Mexico, 
and into California, about to be organized into a State, 
was one not only of great interest at the time, but grew 
into such proportions as to array parties against each other 
throughout the United States, and to inflame the passions 
of men, both North and South, to a degree which soon 
threatened the existence of the Union. 

Mr. Polk's term of office was about to expire, and can- 
didates were to be chosen by different parties for the 
presidency. The greatest activity prevailed throughout 
the ranks of the Whig and Democratic parties, and an- 
other party was organized independently of these, draw- 
ing into its ranks leading men from both the former 
parties. This new organization named itself the Free- 
Soil party. It was founded upon the principle of non- 
extension of slavery to the Territories. It was an out- 
growth of the Liberty party in 1846; it was merged into 



192 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES, 

the Republican party in 1856. The immediate cause of its 
establishment was the acquisition of territory at the con- 
clusion of the Mexican war. The compromise measures 
of 1850, and the repeal of the Missouri Compromise in 
1854 by the Kansas-Nebraska act, with the political agi- 
tation following, for a time gave great prominence to the 
platform and principles of the Free-Soil party. It formed 
the nucleus of the Republican party which was founded 
in 1856, chiefly from the ranks of the Whig party. The 
adoption by the Republican party of the Free-Soil plat- 
form in respect to slavery, ended the Free Soilers as a 
distinctive party. 

General Taylor was now at home, and was the object 
of universal interest. He was named as a candidate for 
the presidency throughout the country by ardent friends, 
and especially by some of the leading men of the Whig 
party. His party affiliations were understood, but in 
order to make them still clearer, some correspondence 
was had with him upon the subject. He replied that he 
was a Whig, but did not belong to that class which might 
be called ultra. Soon a strong sentiment grew up in 
favor of his nomination to the presidency. I strongly 
advocated it, and lost no occasion for expressing my 
appreciation of his public services and of his fitness for 
the great office to which his friends proposed to elevate 
him. At a festival held in the Chinese Museum in Phila- 
delphia, in the spring of 1848, I delivered a speech, pre- 
senting the claims of General Taylor upon the country, 
in which I spoke of him, not only as a great military com- 
mander, but a man whose qualities entitled him to the 
consideration of the whole country. I said in behalf of 
the Whig party : 

" We present General Taylor as a candidate, not merely 
because of his great strength with the American people, but 
because of the great qualities which belong to him. To a 
mind clear and vigorous he adds a good heart. His enlight- 



GENERAL TA YLOR THE PEOPLE'S CHOICE. 1 93 

ened judgment, his self-possession in the midst of danger, his 
keen foresight, his love of truth, his independence, his un- 
selfishness, his modesty ; these all proclaim him great. His 
whole character is admirably balanced, displaying a rare com- 
bination of high endowments. . . . Gentlemen, at this 
hour we must look to our cause ; we must give up men. I 
have stood by Mr. Clay with unshaken fidelity. . . . We 
are practical men. We shall not indulge the wild enthusiasm 
which would impel us into a desperate conflict for the eleva- 
tion of a favorite leader. Men must give way that the cause 
may triumph. Under General Taylor's banner we fear no 
defeat. He stood upon the field of Buena Vista supported 
mainly by volunteers — the regular troops had been withdrawn 
from him ; and yet when Santa Anna with his twenty thou- 
sand men rushed down upon him, they recoiled from the shock, 
covered with inglorious defeat. So it is now. General Tay- 
lor stands out the candidate of the people — he is sustained 
only by volunteers. The regular forces have not yet come 
into the field. But he cannot be driven from his position ; 
and if attacked by any force, under any leader, he will give 
them another Buena Vista. I see around me gallant spirits, 
and I know that when General Taylor's name is brought for- 
ward they will spring to their guns, as Bragg and Washington 
did to their batteries." 

Party conventions for the nomination of presidential 
candidates w^ere soon called. The Democratic Conven- 
tion met at Baltimore in the month of May, and was 
numerously attended by members of Congress, and per- 
sons holding of^ce under the federal government, which 
really held supreme power over the selection of a candi- 
date for the presidency. The two-thirds rule was adopted, 
and that put the nomination into the hands of the 
minority, and of men accustomed to the manipulation of 
such bodies. Every State was allowed to give the whole 
number of its electoral votes, although it was well known 
that there were many of them which could not give the 
Democratic electoral vote at the election. The State of 



194 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

New York was excluded from voting ; two sets of dele- 
gates appeared from that State, each claiming to repre- 
sent the true Democracy ; the Convention settled the 
question by excluding both sets. Massachusetts, which 
had never given a Democratic vote gave twelve votes, and 
they were for the exclusion of New York, whose vote had 
often decided the fate of the election. After four days' 
work a nomination was produced. General Lewis Cass, 
of Michigan, for President ; General William O. Butler, of 
Kentucky, for Vice-President. The construction of the 
platform was next entered upon, and one was produced 
which was supposed embodied the creed of the party. 
The principle of squatter sovereignty — that is to say, the 
right of the inhabitants of the Territories to decide the 
question of slavery for themselves — was then repudiated, 
and by a vote virtually unanimous. Mr. Yancey, of Ala- 
bama, submitted this resolution as an article of Demo- 
cratic faith to be inserted in the creed : " That the doc- 
trine of non-interference with the rights of property of any 
portion of this Confederation, be it in the States or in the 
Territories, by any other than the parties interested in 
them, is the true Republican doctrine recognized by this 
body." This article of faith was rejected, 246 against 
36, so that up to the month of May, in the year 1848, 
squatter sovereignty, or the right of the inhabitants of a 
Territory to determine the question of slavery for them- 
selves, was rejected and ignored by the Democratic 
party. 

In accordance with usage the Whigs throughout the 
country prepared for the call of a Convention to nominate 
candidates for the presidency and the vice-presidency ; 
it was decided to hold the Convention in Philadelphia, 
and the month of June was selected as a proper time for 
its meeting. Mr. Clay still aspired to the nomination, 
and his friends urged his claims with their accustomed 
ardor. Mr. Webster was regarded by some of the lead- 



CONTEST IN THE CONVENTION. 195 

ing men of the party as entitled to the nomination. Gen- 
eral Scott had many friends who appreciated his great 
services in the late war with Mexico, and his command- 
ing abilities as a statesman, and who believed that he was 
the strongest man in the ranks of the party to present to 
the people. General Taylor's friends were strong in num- 
bers, and were enthusiastic in their support of him. I 
was appointed as a delegate to the Convention by the 
Whigs of Alabama, and was upon the ground early. I 
was a guest of Honorable Josiah Randall, a distinguished 
statesman and an ardent Whig, whose hospitality was 
profuse and elegant. 

At the opening of the Convention it was found that a 
serious contest would arise between the friends of che 
several aspirants to the presidency. I from the first 
pressed the claims of General Taylor with ardor. Some 
of my colleagues from Alabama urged the nomination of 
Mr. Clay, one of them being Honorable C. C. Langdon, 
editor of the Mobile Advertiser, which was conducted with 
so much ability as to exert a wide influence. The result of 
the first balloting was awaited with the greatest interest, 
and the votes were divided between the several candi- 
dates, no one having the majority of the whole number. 
There were 22 for Mr. Webster, 43 for General Scott, 97 
for Mr. Clay, and 1 1 1 for General Taylor. Several ballots 
were taken without the choice of a candidate, and night 
coming on, the Convention adjourned until the next day. 
Upon the reassembling of the body the next day, the 
balloting proceeded, and eventually General Taylor re- 
ceived the requisite majority, 171, making his gains from 
the friends of Mr. Clay, whose vote was reduced to 32. 
Honorable Millard Fillmore, of New York, was nominated 
for the vice-presidency, and the Convention adjourned. 
The nomination was received with enthusiasm throughout 
the country. General Taylor accepted the nomination in 
a letter characterized by his usual modesty and fine sense. 



196 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

Mr. Fillmore accepted his nomination in a statesmanlike 
style and manner. 

In the Whig National Convention, by which General 
Taylor was nominated, were several delegates from the 
Northern States, representing what were called " free- 
soil " opinions. On the rejection of a resolution com- 
mitting the party against the introduction or existence 
of slavery in the Territories, several of these Northern 
representatives withdrew, and subsequently separated 
themselves from the Whig party. The result of the 
nominations made by the Democratic and Whig Conven- 
tions led to the formal organization of those who were 
opposed to the extension of slavery. A Convention was 
held at Buffalo, August 9, 1848, which was attended by 
delegates from all the non-slaveholding States, and from 
Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, and the District of Colum- 
bia. In this Convention Martin Van Buren was nomi- 
nated for President, and Charles Francis Adams for 
Vice-President. A platform was adopted, declaring that 
the new party was formed : 

" To maintain the rights of free labor against the aggres- 
sions of the slave power, and to secure free soil to a free 
people ; that slavery in the several States of this Union, which 
recognized its existence, depends upon the State laws alone, 
which cannot be repealed or modified by the general govern- 
ment, and for which laws that government is not responsible ; 
we therefore propose no interference by Congress with slavery 
within the limits of any State ; that the only safe means of 
preventing an extension of slavery into Territory now free, is 
to prohibit its extension in all such Territory by an act of 
Congress ; that we accept the issue which the slave power has 
forced upon us, and to their demand for more slave States 
and more slave Territory, our calm, but final answer is : no 
more slave States and no more slave Territory." 

The canvass proceeded with steadily increasing interest ; 
the great questions presented by the several conventions, 



THE WHIG CANDIDATES ELECTED. 



197 



and the claims of the respective candidates, were argued 
before the people with unprecedented energy and vehe- 
mence. The Democratic candidates, Cass and Butler, 
received 127 electoral votes; and the Whig candidates, 
Taylor and Fillmore, 163 electoral votes. Van Buren 
and Adams did not secure a single electoral vote. 

Taylor and Fillmore, the Whig candidates, were elected. 
It is interesting to observe that the popular vote for Tay- 
lor was 1,360,099. For Cass 1,220,544. The popular vote 
for Van Buren was 291,263, but he failed to carry a single 
State. 

So the result of the war with Mexico was the elevation 
to the presidency of a great soldier, who had exhibited 
during its progress the highest qualities of mind and 
character, and who commanded the respect and the con- 
fidence of the people of the United States. 




CHAPTER XX. 

Closing Scenes of Mr. Polk's Administration — Meeting of the Southern 
Members — Visit to Boston — Adjournment of Congress — Inauguration 
of President Taylor — Members of his Cabinet — Renomination for Con- 
gress — Canvass — Election — Triumph of the Whig Party. 

The last message of Mr. Polk, which was sent to Con- 
gress upon the assembling of that body in December, dwelt 
with much satisfaction upon the results of the war with 
Mexico, and paid a glowing tribute to the citizens who 
volunteered for service in the army which had achieved 
such brilliant victories. In reference to the large acquisi- 
tion of territory as a result of the war, he congratulated 
the country, and proceeded to recommend a great measure 
in regard to its government, which, he believed, would 
afford a satisfactory solution of the controversy in regard 
to slavery. The President recommended the extension 
of the Missouri Compromise line to the Pacific Ocean, 
saying: "This is the middle line of compromise upon 
which the different sections of the Union may meet as 
they have hitherto met." 

This recommendation for the adjustment of a great 
and dangerous question was eminently wise, and if it had 
been adopted by Congress would have given tranquillity 
to the country. But the recommendation met with but 
little favor in Congress, and was not adopted. 

At this time, under the influence of Mr. Calhoun, the 
members of Congress from the slave-holding States, includ- 
ing senators and representatives, held a meeting at night 

198 



SOUTHERN MEMBERS AGITATED, I99 

to consider the state of the country, and to agree upon some 
measure for the protection of the South. The meeting 
was held with closed doors, it being thought proper to 
exclude reporters until the deliberations of this grave and 
important assemblage could be matured. 

Mr. Calhoun, always impressive, was never so impas- 
sioned and vehement as on that occasion. He was the 
lion roused. His manner in the Senate always displayed 
earnestness, occasionally great animation ; his splendid 
eyes sometimes blazed, but his action was limited to a 
quick, decided raising of the right hand. 

When he addressed the meeting of the Southern mem- 
bers, urging them to the adoption of a strong appeal to 
the people of the South to prepare for a firm resistance 
to the aggressions of the North, he rose to the height of 
Demosthenian ardor ; his gestures were bold, and for the 
first time that I ever observed it in him, he stamped the 
floor with his foot. He depicted in indignant terms the 
growing aggressions of the non-slaveholding section upon 
the people of the South, and declared that a great crisis 
existed which must be relieved by some decisive action. 

Some of the gentlemen present were in full sympathy 
with this great statesman, who had so long led the South ; 
while others were disposed to address themselves to the 
people of the country at large, rather than to make an 
inflammatory appeal to their constituents of one section 
only. 

A committee of fifteen was appointed, at the head of 
which was Mr. Calhoun, to prepare an address to the 
slave-holding States, and to report it at a subsequent 
meeting. At this meeting it was agreed that the report 
of the committee, after some consideration, should be 
recommitted for amendments. Meanwhile, a sentiment 
was growing in favor of sending out an address to the 
people of the United States, stating the grave condition 
of affairs, pointing out the encroachments which had 



200 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

been made from time to time upon the rights of the 
Southern people, and appealing to the broad patriotic 
sentiment of the country to arrest this movement. This 
address had been prepared by a committee, of which Mr. 
Berrien, a senator from Georgia, was the chairman, and when 
reported was received with much favor. It was under- 
stood that in sending out such important papers for con- 
sideration the address should be signed by the members 
from the Southern States who approved it ; and a large 
number, believing that Mr. Berrien's address was the 
wiser measure of the two, put their names to it. I signed 
it promptly. Mr. Calhoun's address, with some amend- 
ments which had been agreed upon in committee at a 
meeting attended by some of the members, was adopted 
and signed by several leading men of the South, com- 
posed of both parties. The paper had been left with the 
secretary of the meeting for the signature of such mem- 
bers as were disposed to attach their names to it. Of the 
gentlemen from my own State, Alabama, who signed it, 
were Senator Fitzpatrick and Representatives Bowden, 
Gayle, and Harris. I declined to attach my name to the 
paper, upon the ground that I did not think it proper in 
the existing state of things to appeal to the sentiments of 
the South alone, believing that we should draw to the 
support of our cause many of the leading statesmen of 
the North by a proper representation of the state of the 
country. 

This meeting of the representatives in Congress from the 
slave-holding States attracted great attention throughout 
the country. It indicated the height to which the agita- 
tion in regard to the slavery question had risen, just as 
when a sea-bird is seen far inland it is recognized as a 
sign that a great storm is sweeping the ocean. 

Having been invited to deliver a lecture before the 
Merchants' Library Association at Boston, I passed sev- 
eral days in that city. Hon. Nathan Appleton, learning 



FRIENDSHIP WITH LONGFELLOW. 20I 

of my intended visit, wrote me in advance and gave me a 
cordial invitation to be his guest during my stay. In his 
charming home I was entertained delightfully. Mrs. Ap- 
pleton gave me a warm welcome, and by her gracious 
attentions imparted an indescribable charm to my visit. 
Mr. Tom Appleton, too, who had passed much of his 
time in Europe, was at home, and with him I saw a great 
deal of Boston in out-of-door excursions. I found him 
very bright and agreeable. 

Professor Longfellow had married a daughter of Mr. Ap- 
pleton, who was a lovely woman. Mr. and Mrs. Appleton 
took me to Cambridge to call upon Professor Longfellow, 
and the acquaintance formed with that gentleman ripened 
into a friendship which continued to the day of his death. 
Professor Longfellow lived in a fine old mansion where 
General Washington had made his headquarters when in 
command of the army at that place. When some years 
since Professor Longfellow's exquisite lines, " Morituri 
Salutamus," appeared, I wrote to assure him of my thor- 
ough appreciation of the poem. He wrote me a beautiful 
letter in reply, dated Cambridge, August 25, 1875, in 
which, after referring to his feeble health, he said : 

" But I will let no more days and weeks go by without thank- 
ing you for your sympathetic words. 

" I am heartily glad that you like ' Morituri Salutamus,' and 
that you were prompted by your friendly feelings to write to 
me on the subject. 

" This adds a new charm to the pleasant memories I retain 
of you out of the past." 

I passed an evening with Mr. Prescott, whose books 
had already interested me, and found him as entertaining 
in conversation as he was as a writer. He had a beautiful 
home, and Mrs. Prescott received her guests with a cordial 
grace that made it very attractive. We sat in the library, 
which, beside books, contained many objects of rare interest. 



202 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

Mr. Prescott did not spare himself in scholarly pur- 
suits, but his eyes were in such a state that he would not 
use them in every-day work. One eye had been injured 
when he was a student at college, and after some time he 
found that the other was becoming affected by sympathy 
with it. To preserve his vision he engaged a reader, and 
in writing used a frame which he had brought from Lon- 
don, that enabled him to accomplish his literary tasks 
without using his eyes. In the course of the evening he 
showed me into his working room, where he explained 
the construction of his writing frame. It was simple, but 
constructed in a way to enable the writer to use a stylus 
and trace the lines on a sheet of paper placed on a car- 
bonated one, so as to give accurately the words written. 
It was a small iron frame to which a number of brass wires 
were attached, sufificient to cover a paper of the size de- 
sired for the manuscript. Mr. Prescott said that he had 
found it invaluable to him. 

He showed me Washington Irving's autograph manu- 
script of " The Wife," published in his " Sketch Book," 
which he prized highly. He called my attention to a 
piece of the shroud of Cortez, which was of black lace. 
Returning to the library, the evening was passed in con- 
versation with the family, and when I took leave I bore 
with me an impression of Mr. Prescott's home which is 
still vivid. 

There Avas another home in Boston where I enjoyed an 
evening greatly — that of Mr. George Ticknor, whose 
scholarly researches and literary labors had won for him 
distinction at home and abroad. His later book, " His- 
tory of Spanish Literature," has added greatly to his 
reputation, and is regarded, not only in England, but in 
Spain, as the finest and most authentic work on that sub- 
ject that has appeared. 

I found Mr. Ticknor one of the most agreeable men I 
had ever met, and with him, too, I formed a friendship 



THEODORE PARKER. 203 

that was never interrupted during his Hfe. His daughter, 
Miss Ticknor, a young lady of rare culture, attainments, 
and genius, who, a little while before the close of Mr. 
Webster's life, accompanied her father on a visit to Marsh- 
field, and wrote a most interesting account of those 
autumnal days of that great statesman, was present. 
After my return to Washington this lady accorded to me 
the privilege of a correspondence which pleased and inter- 
ested me. In the course of the evening Mr. Ticknor 
spoke of Hon. Hugh S. Legar^, who had visited Boston 
with President Tyler some years before, being at that time 
Secretary of State, for whom he expressed his great 
admiration. Mr. Legare was taken ill, and Mr. Ticknor 
brought him to his house, where he received every atten- 
tion, and where he expired. Mr. Ticknor said : " Mr. 
Legar6 died in my arms ; I was supporting him on the 
bed when he breathed his last." 

On Sunday morning Mrs. Appleton asked me where I 
proposed to attend divine service. I said that it was my 
wish to hear the famous Theodore Parker. She said : 
" Mr. Hilliard, we cannot accompany you ; we do not go 
to hear Mr. Theodore Parker in Boston." I begged her 
to excuse me, for a man of genius always interested me. 
Young Mr. Appleton was standing by and said that he 
would undertake to accompany me, as he was so much 
from home that he might venture to do so. 

So in company with Mr. Appleton I made my way to 
the Melodeon, a building whose architectural adaptation 
to public speaking was admirable. Upon taking our seats 
I observed that a large platform was constructed, upon 
which a number of persons were seated awaiting the ap- 
pearance of Mr. Parker. When he entered I observed 
him with interest. His face was strikingly intellectual, 
and his bearing that of a scholar and a man of the world, 
who bore himself easily in the presence of a large and 
cultured audience. His discourse was upon Christ, and 



204 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

in the treatment of his theme he expressed himself in 
terms which showed his utter independence of recognized 
thought in the Christian world. He seemed to have no 
regard for creeds, not disregarding the authority of the 
Bible, but giving its teachings such an interpretation as 
pleased him, accepting the narrative given of our Lord in 
the New Testament, but stripping it of the supernatural. 
He presented Christ with His wonderful human endow- 
ments, placing Him at the head of all teachers, and 
drawing to Him by His matchless discourses the intellect 
and the learning of the world. One passage in his dis- 
course was beautiful. He said : 

" This wonderful Being was in advance of His times, His 
people did not comprehend Him, and as He offended their 
deep-seated sentiment, and held Himself free from the bondage 
of those who claimed the right to speak of God and all things 
pertaining to Him, He roused their hatred to Him to such a 
height that they determined to destroy Him ; just as we have 
sometimes seen swine wallowing in the mire where a butterfly 
alights, and one of these coarse animals with its ugly head 
crushes the exquisite organization out of existence." 

The whole service was beautiful, bright, attractive, but 
there was not a touch of divine grace about it, not the 
whisper of an angel's voice, not a ray of divine love to 
illumine any part of it. 

Returning to Washington I resumed my seat in the 
House, where I continued to take part in pubHc affairs 
until the close of the session. When the day came for 
the final adjournment of Congress the Civil and Diplo- 
matic Bill, commonly called the General Appropriation 
Bill, which provides annually for the support of the gov- 
ernment, was sent from the House to the Senate. While 
under consideration there, an amendment was proposed, 
providing a temporary government for the Territories 
which we had acquired from Mexico. This amendment 



RECEPTION TO GENERAL TAYLOR. 20$ 

was extraordinary, having no connection whatever with 
the General Appropriation Bill, and was therefore ex- 
traneous matter. It led to an immediate contest, which 
delayed and endangered the passage of this important 
bill, and the contention over it was not ended until long 
after midnight, when the hour had struck for the dissolu- 
tion of Congress. The amendment was finally defeated, 
and the bill was ready for the President's signature. It 
is customary for the President to be present in a room 
set apart for his use in the Capitol on the last day of the 
session of Congress, that he may receive up to the latest 
hour the bills that have been prepared for his approval 
and signature. On this occasion Mr. Polk had for several 
hours previous to the passage of this bill left the Capitol 
and returned to the Executive Mansion, so that it had to 
be taken to the President for his signature when the hour 
had gone by for the exercise of that appropriate and 
essential act. Mr. Polk attached his signature to the bill, 
and it became a law. When the two houses adjourned 
the approaching dawn of day was almost visible, and the 
administration of Mr. Polk had closed. 

Upon the arrival of General Taylor in Washington, 
towards the close of February, he was received with 
demonstrations of respect. His reception was so cordial 
as to rise into enthusiasm upon the part of his friends ; 
the gratulations were due to him, alike for his qualities as 
a man, his brilliant military career, and his elevation to 
the great ofifice to which he had been chosen by the 
nation. Unusual and extensive arrangements were made 
for his inauguration, and citizens from all parts of the 
Union hastened to Washington to welcome and to honor 
the new President. Many saw him for the first time, and 
pressed eagerly forward to catch a view of his person. 
Called out by the cheers of the people, he came to the 
portico of the hotel, and stood for a few moments return- 
ing the salutations which came to him from the vast 



2o6 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

throng assembled to welcome him. General Taylor's 
appearance was prepossessing ; his head was fine, and his 
face expressed intellectual force and beamed with a 
blended look of kindliness and dignity. His stature was 
somewhat above the medium height, and was solid and 
strong, while his bearing was soldierly and self-possessed. 
Every one who saw him recognized him as a man. 

The day fixed for the inauguration of the new Presi- 
dent, March 4th, falling on Sunday, the ceremony did 
not take place until Monday, the 5th, when General Tay- 
lor, standing in the great portico of the Capitol, delivered 
his inaugural address, and took the oath of ofifice. An 
unprecedented multitude of people had assembled on the 
occasion, having been drawn to Washington to witness 
a spectacle of higher interest than had for some time 
occurred on such an occasion. The address was charac- 
terized by the fine sense which always distinguished 
General Taylor in his public addresses, and breathed a 
patriotic spirit which awakened the sympathy of all who 
heard him. At the conclusion of the address the oath of 
ofifice was administered by Chief-Justice Taney. Peals of 
artillery announced that a new President had entered 
upon the duties of that great place, and General Taylor 
entering a carriage with his predecessor. President Polk, 
drove to the White House, and took formal possession of it. 

Meanwhile, Hon. Millard Fillmore, the Vice-President 
elect, was installed as President of the Senate, and 
delivered a fine address on taking the chair. The Senate 
had assembled in extraordinary session to receive the 
nominations which the President might make for his 
Cabinet ; they were promptly delivered and confirmed. 
Hon. John M. Clayton, a senator from Delaware, a 
distinguished and able statesman, was appointed Secretary 
of State. Hon. William M. Meredith, of Pennsylvania, 
an eminent lawyer, and a man of great abilities, but little 
known at that time to the country, was made Secretary 



PARTY FEELING AROUSED. 207 

of the Treasury. Ex-Governor George W. Crawford, of 
Georgia, was appointed Secretary of War ; W. B. Preston, 
of Virginia, Secretary of the Navy ; Hon. Jacob Colla- 
mer, of Vermont, Postmaster-General. Hon. Thomas 
Ewing, of Ohio, a distinguished statesman of marked 
ability, who had previously been a member of General 
Harrison's Cabinet, took charge of the new department, 
as Secretary of the Interior. Hon. Reverdy Johnson, of 
Maryland, took the office of Attorney-General. 

Returning to Alabama I visited my constituents 
throughout the district, and received everywhere expres- 
sions of regard and confidence. In the course of a few 
weeks I was unanimously nominated for re-election to 
Congress. Some of the leaders of the Democratic party 
expressed their dissatisfaction at my course in Congress. 
They criticised my want of sympathy with the action of 
Mr. Calhoun and a number of other representatives of 
the slave-holding States in making an appeal to the 
people of the South, and advising them not only to 
vigilance in the protection of their rights, but the adop- 
tion of decided measures, and of resistance to the 
encroachments of the North. I thought it proper at this 
time to notice these criticisms of my course, and made a 
speech in Montgomery in vindication of my opinions. 
There was a full meeting of the people, and I stated in 
decided terms that it seemed to me the occasion called 
for the exhibition of a broad, patriotic, national spirit on 
the part of the Southern people, rather than the utter- 
ance of a menace against any section of the Union. I 
stated that without any disposition to censure the 
motives of gentlemen who expressed extreme opinions in 
regard to the policy of the South, and recommended 
precipitate action, it seemed to me that a conservative 
course would bring into sympathy with us the true men 
of the North. While the speech was well received by 
my friends, it seemed to inflame the opposition, and an 



208 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

attack was opened upon me through the columns of the 
Democratic press, insisting that my want of co-operation 
with Mr. Calhoun, the great Southern leader, was hurtful 
to our cause. The opposition to me gathered force, and 
there was a systematic attempt to induce the people to 
oppose my re-election ; meetings were held in Mont- 
gomery by some of the leaders of the Democratic party 
who expressed themselves as hostile to my return to 
Congress, and insisted that some gentleman should be 
chosen to oppose me at the coming election. 

Upon my call a great meeting of the people was held, 
and I addressed them at length, treating the whole ques- 
tion in its largest relations, not only to the people of the 
South, but to the people of the United States ; I took 
my position firmly, and stated that I was loyal to the 
South — that no man could question that — and was at the 
same time true to the Union. I stated that my objection 
to Mr. Calhoun's address was, that it was an appeal to a 
section ; that it would rouse an opposition to the Union 
that could result in no good, while it would limit the 
action of the statesmen representing the Southern people 
within narrow lines. I declared my emphatic opposition 
to any step of that kind ; I could not be induced to take 
my place with any body of gentlemen, however able, dis- 
tinguished, and influential, who would advise the Southern 
people to sectional organization in defence of their rights. 
True to the South where I had been born, reared, and 
educated, where all my interests lay, where all my hopes 
were centred, and in whose bosom I was to sleep when 
my career was ended, still I believed that our true 
interest was to be advanced in a continued, cordial, and 
patriotic co-operation with the people of the whole 
country to uphold the Constitution and to preserve the 
Union. As to the menaces directed against me person- 
ally, stating that I had faltered in my loyalty to the South, 
and advising that I should not be indorsed by a re-election 



A SPIRITED OPPOSITIOA'. 209 

to Congress I defied them to defeat me. " These self- 
constituted leaders of the Democratic party, who professed 
to be the truest friends of the South, say that at the last 
election they allowed me to return to Congress without 
opposition ; I say to these gentlemen to-day, I intend to 
return to Congress, and I defy you to prevent it. The 
heart of the people of this great district beats in full 
sympathy with me, and they will stand by me while I 
uphold the standard of the Constitution and the Union." 
This vindication of my course inflamed the opposition 
still more, and they proceeded to make preparations 
upon an extensive scale for my defeat. A candidate was 
not selected from the ranks of the Democratic party, but 
James L. Pugh, Esquire, a member of the Eufaula bar, 
who had attained distinction in his profession, and who 
had been an earnest Whig, still professing to be loyal to 
his party, but who was in sympathy with Mr. Calhoun, 
and who insisted upon the adoption of energetic measures 
for the protection of the South, was induced to enter the 
field against me. An animated canvass opened, and was 
conducted throughout the district. Gentlemen prominent 
in the ranks of the Democratic party took part in it, 
exerting their influence, and travelling through the 
several counties of the district appealing to the people to 
defeat me. So, too, gentlemen of the Whig party wrote 
and spoke, and exerted themselves actively in support of 
me. The whole political field throughout the district 
presented an animated spectacle, the people turned out 
largely to hear the great debates from both sides, and the 
conflict continued up to the last day. The joint dis- 
cussions between my opponent and myself were heard by 
great assemblages of the people, and were conducted 
throughout the canvass with ardor, but our personal 
relations at the end of the canvass were undisturbed. 

The result was my election by an increased majority, 
and a large accession to the ranks of the Whig party. 



2IO POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

This spirited canvass attracted the attention not only of 
the people of Alabama, but had been observed with 
interest by the great political parties throughout the 
United States. The Americayi Review^ a Whig journal, 
published in New York, gave the following notice of me 
in its December number : 

" His recent election is the most brilliant triumph of his life. 
One of the first to discover in General Taylor those great 
qualities that fit him for places of high trusts in the service of 
the country, he was conspicuous in giving impulse to the 
movement which resulted in his triumphant election. In the 
Philadelphia Convention he did his utmost to secure his nomi- 
nation, and on the adjournment of Congress he threw his 
energies into the contest in Alabama, and contributed his 
efforts towards bringing that State so nearly to the support 
of the Whig candidates. After General Taylor's election Mr. 
Hilliard, having unbounded confidence in his character and 
principles, was willing to confide to his administration the 
settlement of all open questions, including that of providing 
governments for the new Territories. Hence he refused to 
participate in any mode of action that seemed to imply dis- 
trust ; and he declined to put his name to the address prepared 
by Mr. Calhoun, and issued by a portion of the Southern 
members to their constituents. Faithful as a Southern repre- 
sentative, steadfastly opposed as he had shown himself to 
be to any encroachment on the rights of the section from 
which he comes, he did not, it seems, think it his duty to co- 
operate in that movement. He had, besides, expressed it as 
his firm purpose to exert whatever power he possessed for 
effecting a settlement of the important question which so 
deeply interested the country, and threatened its tranquillity, 
so as to secure the rights of the South without impairing the 
strength of the Union, This course subjected him to the 
fiercest assaults on his return to Alabama, and a canvass 
ensued, which is described as far the most excited ever wit- 
nessed in that State, or perhaps in the Union. The most 
formidable opposition was organized against him — an opposi- 



TRIUMPHANT RE-ELECTION TO CONGRESS. 211 

tion to which talent, energy, and money were freely contributed 
as elements, and unparalleled efforts were made to ensure his 
defeat. The press and the stump teemed with the most vio- 
lent denunciations against him. His speeches and votes were 
misquoted and misinterpreted to make him odious to the 
people. His refusal to sign the address sent out by some of 
the Southern members was represented to be conclusive proof 
that he was faltering in the vindication of Southern rights, 
while certain appeals which he had made in Congress in behalf 
of the Union — appeals which were intended to rouse the patriot- 
ism of the representatives from every part of the Union — were 
tortured into open renunciations of the section which had 
given him birth, and which had advanced him to honors. The 
contest, relentless, implacable, and heated, drew the attention 
of the whole State, and was observed with interest in other 
parts of the Union. Eloquent and influential gentlemen of 
both parties entered the lists, and extraordinary exertions 
were made on either side. Mr. Hilliard is described as hav- 
ing borne himself throughout the protracted and trying con- 
test with the most determined manliness, never for a moment 
yielding a principle, or asking a concession — staking every- 
thing upon the open field. He met the opposition in the most 
fearless spirit ; defied the combination against him ; entered 
the arena in person ; appealed to the people throughout his 
extensive district, and addressed them in mass meetings ; 
brought the question before them in all its relations, involving 
in its ultimate settlement the honor of the South, the safety 
of the Union, and the glory of the Nation ; and insisted that 
under General Taylor's administration we should be able 
to maintain the ' Rights of the States and the Union of the 
States.* He emerged from the contest with a triumphant 
majority, and he returns to his seat in Congress, which he 
has filled with such distinguished ability, and with the in- 
creased confidence of his constituents and his country, to 
employ his powers still further in the service of both." 



CHAPTER XXI. 

Opening Session of the New Congress — President's Message — Angry Aspect 
of the Slavery Question in Congress — Mr. Clay — Mr. Webster — Mr. 
Calhoun's Last Speech — His Last Appearance in the Senate — Mr. Cal- 
houn's Death — President Taylor's Plan of Settlement of the Slavery' 
Question under Discussion — President's Death — Mr. Fillmore's Acces- 
sion to the Presidency — Interview with Mr. Webster — Success of the 
Compromise Measures — Scenes in Washington. 



► Congress assembled on Monday, the third day of De- 
cember, with a full attendance of the members of both 
houses. Everything indicated that the opening session 
was to be one of momentous interest. A great conflict 
was impending ; not only was the tranquillity of the 
country to be disturbed, but the stability of the govern- 
ment was to be tested. The discussions involving the 
relations of the North and the South, which were to take 
place, would be as important as battles which decide the 
fate of an empire. 

The Senate assembled, under the rules which governed 
it, with its accustomed decorum. Mr. Fillmore, the Vice- 
President, presided ; his appearance was impressive ; of 
large stature ; a face beaming with intelligence, and a 
generous spirit ; his manner full of quiet dignity ; and his 
voice pleasing and sonorous. 

The Senate-chamber presented a picture of rare interest. 
Mr. Calhoun was in his seat, the touches of time being 
now visible in the outlines of his face and in his form, 
which had lost something of its activity and vigor. 



THE NEW CONGRESS. 213 

Mr. Clay was there, displaying the energy and the ardor 
of his mature manhood ; still there were to be seen upon 
his face and his person traces of advancing age. 

Mr. Webster occupied his seat with undiminished im- 
pressiveness. He had not lost his old grandeur ; the face, 
even in repose, expressing power, and his whole bearing 
displaying dignity. 

These three great senators, who had so long filled their 
places in that chamber, serving their country with unflag- 
ging patriotism, and attracting the attention of the nation, 
forming a constellation of unrivalled splendor, were but 
little above the horizon which they illumined, and behind 
which they were, at no distant day, to disappear forever 
from human view. 

There too was Mr. Benton, who for so many years had 
filled his seat with the dignity of a senator, the learning 
of a statesman, and a bearing which gave him at all times 
a distinguished appearance. 

General Cass, whose long career as a statesman and 
whose services to the country were well known, still filled 
his place with unswerving dignity and patriotic constancy. 

Honorable William R. King, of Alabama, was there 
too, stately, elegant, accomplished, and exhibiting few 
signs of approaching age. 

Mr. Berrien, of Georgia, an eminent lawyer, who had 
held the place of Attorney-General in General Jackson's 
Cabinet, and who had earned the distinction of an emi- 
nent statesman, one of the purest and truest of public 
men, still graced his place, 

Mr. Badger, of North Carolina, who had been a member 
of President Harrison's Cabinet, and whose splendid abili- 
ties had distinguished him in every department of the 
service to which he had been called, was there too, his 
classical head and dignified bearing giving him an air of 
great distinction. 

A new senator was observed — Honorable Salmon P. 



214 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

Chase, of Ohio, already distinguished, and destined to still 
greater eminence. 

Another senator attracted attention — Mr. Seward, of 
New York, whose abilities were already recognized, and 
who was to figure conspicuously a few years later. 

There too was seen for the first time Mr. Soule, of 
Louisiana, a man of splendid abilities, and a manner so 
full of grace as to win for him universal attention. 

In the House of Representatives an extraordinary 
spectacle was exhibited. No Speaker had yet been 
elected ; a protracted struggle had been going on, which 
continued for nearly three weeks. Hon. Robert C. Win- 
throp had been presented by his friends as a candidate 
for re-election, but there had been some falling off in those 
who had previously supported him. Hon. Howell Cobb, of 
Georgia, had been nominated by the Democratic party of 
the House for Speaker, and was warmly supported in the 
contest. The clerk of the House had from day to day 
called the roll of members, and while the two gentlemen 
just named held steadily the greatest number of the votes 
cast, neither of them had obtained a majority, and it 
became necessary to proceed until that end should be 
accomplished. Finding, at length, that it was impractica- 
ble to give to either of the leading candidates the number 
requisite for his election, the rule of the House was aban- 
doned, and it was determined that a plurality should elect. 
More than sixty ballotings had been given in this pro- 
longed contest before a resort was had to the plurality 
rule. Under that rule Mr. Cobb received 102 votes ; Mr. 
Winthrop received 99 votes ; some 20 votes being scat- 
tered. Mr. Cobb was declared elected, and was escorted 
to the chair by Mr. Winthrop and Hon. James McDowell, 
of Virginia. 

The organization of the House having been accomplished, 
a committee was appointed to wait upon the President, 
and inform him that Congress was ready to receive a 



PRESIDENT TAYLOR'S MESSAGE. 21 5 

message from him ; and it was promptly delivered. The 
President was confronted with extraordinary difficulties, 
and he felt the full weight of the responsibility which 
rested upon him. He believed that the stability of the 
government was imperilled ; that a protracted discussion 
of the slavery question would inflame the passions of 
parties, and that the safety of the Union required a prompt 
settlement of the existing questions. He was without 
experience as a statesman, but he had the manliness and 
the courage, so important at that time to be displayed in 
the great place which he filled, and he spoke with the 
same decision that had distinguished him on the battle- 
field. He was, of course, largely influenced by those 
about him in the counsels which he gave as to the reme- 
dies which should be applied to the surrounding dangers. 
He believed the dissolution of the Union would be the 
greatest of calamities, stating in his message : " Upon its 
preservation must depend our own happiness, and that of 
countless generations to come ; whatever dangers may 
threaten it, I intend to stand by it and maintain it in its 
integrity to the full extent of the obligations imposed, 
and the power conferred, upon me by the Constitution." 
The President recommended to Congress to admit 
California as a State, and leave the other Territories as 
they were until they had formed themselves into States 
and applied for admission into the Union in that capacity. 
This was the President's plan, and he hoped that its 
adoption would avoid the discussion of topics of a sec- 
tional character which were likely to lead to sectional 
divisions. The plan was an impracticable one ; it satisfied 
neither the North nor the South, and a number of the 
best friends of the President in Congress declined to sup- 
port it. There were several important questions involved. 
Not only must the claim of California to be admitted as 
a State be passed upon, and governments be provided for 
the Territories, but the boundary between Texas and 



2l6 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

New Mexico was to be adjusted. The slavery agitation 
was rising to a great height, and the two opposite sections 
of the Union stood confronting each other; the North 
insisting upon the exclusion of slavery from the Terri- 
tories, and the South indignant at this threatened indig- 
nity and aggression. 

The state of the country at this time was described by 
Mr. Clay in the following words : " In the legislative 
bodies of the Capitol and of the States, twenty odd 
furnaces in full blast, emitting heat, passion, and intem- 
perance, and diffusing them throughout the whole extent 
of this broad land." 

Never did a thunder-cloud exhibit an angrier aspect ; 
it touched every part of the horizon, and threatened the 
destruction of the Union, In this perilous condition of 
public affairs there was a touching exhibition of solicitude 
for the country displayed by Mr. Clay. He was now 
more than seventy-two years of age ; his health breaking, 
and his frame shaken by a cough that threatened a speedy 
termination of his life. Still there was no decline in his 
intellectual power, and his spirit was as strong, and his 
will as unconquerable as ever. Undismayed by the 
magnitude of the crisis, he resolved to put out his full 
strength in the accomplishment of a settlement of the 
great quarrel between the North and the South. Never 
had his statesmanship at any period of his life shone with 
greater splendor than when he sat down to prepare a 
series of measures which he hoped would restore tranquil- 
lity to the country. Since Mr. Clay's death, I have 
reviewed his career ; I have observed the drama of his 
life ; I have viewed him co-operating with other great 
men in the service of the country ; I have seen him striv- 
ing against opposing forces with a courage and a will that 
never for a moment faltered. But in this latest of his 
efforts to bring about a settlement of the mighty quarrel 
between the North and the South, and to save the Union, 



MK. CLA V VISITS MR. WEBSTER. 21/ 

his form stands out against the sky of the past in grander 
proportions than it had ever previously exhibited. 

Before introducing the measures which he had prepared 
for the settlement of the great controversy before the 
country, Mr. Clay decided to submit them to Mr. Web- 
ster. For many years these great statesmen had been 
regarded as aspirants to the presidency, and their relations 
had not been cordial. Since the administration of Presi- 
dent Tyler, in which Mr. Webster held the place of Sec- 
retary of State, and where he had achieved a brilliant 
success in conducting negotiations with Lord Ashburton 
for the settlement of important questions affecting the 
relations between the United States and England, and at 
which time great questions of financial interest proposed 
by Mr. Clay had been defeated by the President, there 
had been something like an estrangement between them. 
Still their intercourse had never been interrupted, though 
it continued to be little more than formal. But now 
when both were deeply concerned in regard to the state 
of the country, Mr. Clay felt that he might confer with 
Mr. Webster without reserve in regard to the measures 
which he was about to propose for the settlement of exist- 
ing troubles. Ordering his carriage on an inclement 
evening, in January, Mr. Clay drove to Mr. Webster's 
house, without giving him any previous intimation of his 
visit. Mr. Webster, it is understood, gave him a cordial 
reception, and the scene that followed is one of such 
historical importance that, if painted by a great artist, 
would interest the country through all coming time. Mr. 
Clay submitted his plan to Mr. Webster, and they both 
considered it with an earnestness that was deepened by 
the desire of both to adopt some measure that would 
settle forever the questions which disturbed the country. 
A memorandum made at the time by a gentleman who 
was at Mr. Webster's house during the interview is so full 
of interest that I quote it at length : 



2l8 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

" Monday Evening, January 21, 1850. 

" At seven o'clock this evening Mr. Clay came to Mr. 
Webster's house and held a long interview with him concern- 
ing the best mode of action to settle the difficulties growing 
out of slavery and the newly acquired Territories. I heard 
a part of the conversation. Mr, Clay retired after an interview 
of about an hour. Mr. Webster called me to his side, and 
spoke to me of Mr. Clay in words of great kindness. He said 
he agreed in substance with Mr. Clay ; that he thought Mr. 
Clay's objects were great and highly patriotic ; Mr. Clay 
seemed to be very feeble, had a very bad cough, and became 
quite exhausted during the interview ; that he had no doubt 
that it was Mr. Clay's anxious desire to accomplish something 
for the good of the country during the little time he had left 
upon earth. That perhaps Providence had designed the 
return of Mr. Clay to the Senate to afford the means and the 
way of averting a great evil from our country. 

" Mr. Webster said further that he regarded Mr. Clay's plan 
as one that ought to be satisfactory to the North, and to the 
reasonable men of the South ; that he had not reflected enough 
upon any part of it, but his first impression was that he could 
adopt the whole of it, and if, upon further consideration, he 
should hold his present opinion he would devote himself to 
this cause in the Senate, no matter what might befall himself 
at the North ; that as to the Wilmot Proviso, that was no shib- 
boleth for him ; that from Niblo's Garden, in 1837, to this 
day he had declared his purpose not to assist in giving slavery 
a new home in any Territory of the United States. But, he 
added, if New Mexico be let alone she will be no more for 
slavery than California ; that it is useless and more than use- 
less to be interdicting slavery where it could not exist, with the 
sole effect of needlessly irritating the South. He said that Mr. 
Clay had told him that some of the Democratic senators, and 
most of the Whigs, except those from the North, would approve 
his purpose, though it would not suit the violent disposition of 
Georgia." 

Mr. Clay's plan was exhibited in eight resolutions : i. 
To admit California as a State, with suitable boundaries, 



MR. clay's PLAN" OF COMPROMISE. 219 

without the imposition by Congress of any condition in 
regard to slavery. 2. That as slavery did not exist by law, 
and was not likely to be introduced in any of the terri- 
tory acquired by the United States from Mexico, Territo- 
rial governments should be established for those countries 
without any restriction against, or declaration in favor of, 
slavery. 3. That the western boundary of Texas be fixed 
at the Rio del Norte up to the southern boundary of New 
Mexico, and thence eastwardly to the line as established 
between the United States and Spain. 4. That the 
United States provide for the payment of all that portion 
of the public debt of Texas contracted before its annexa- 
tion to the United States, for which its duties on imports 
were pledged, and upon the condition that Texas relin- 
quish her claim to any part of New Mexico. 5. That 
slavery in the District of Columbia be left undisturbed 
until the adjoining State of Maryland should consent to 
its abolition, and that when such consent and the consent 
of the people of the District should be obtained, compen- 
sation should be given to the owners of the slaves. 6. 
That the trade in slaves in the District of Columbia 
brought there for sale be prohibited. 7. That some 
financial provision be made by law for executing that 
clause of the Constitution which required the extradition 
of fugitive slaves escaping from one State into another. 
8. That it be declared that Congress has no power over 
the subject of the trade in slaves between States in which 
slavery obtained by the local law. 

The resolutions embodying Mr. Clay's plan of compro- 
mise were submitted to the Senate January 29th, and 
their effect upon the controversy still going on in both 
houses of Congress was not visible. Shortly after these 
resolutions had been offered. President Taylor submitted 
the proposed constitution of California, and this added to 
the complication of affairs. 

While the question in regard to California was before 
the Senate, and a discussion was going on that deepened 



220 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

in interest every day, an event occurred, so full of interest 
as to impress the whole country. For some time Mr. 
Calhoun's health had been failing and it was understood 
that he intended, while he had yet strength enough to 
be able to address the Senate, to deliver a well con- 
sidered speech touching upon the state of the country. 
On the 4th of March Mr. Calhoun rose in the Senate and, 
addressing the Vice-President, stated that he had prepared 
a speech which he hoped to be able to deliver, but finding 
that his strength had declined so much as to make it im- 
possible for him to do so he proposed to call upon his 
friend, Mr. Mason, a senator from Virginia, to read it for 
him. Of course there was no objection to this, and Mr. 
Calhoun, handing his written speech to Mr. Mason, took 
his seat. I was present at the time and observed the 
effect produced. The Senate seemed to be stilled, almost 
awed, by what had taken place, and as Mr. Mason pro- 
ceeded to read this last speech of Mr. Calhoun there was 
an unbroken silence, and the attention of all present was 
riveted to the words which were uttered. 

In this speech the great statesman exhibited in the 
strongest terms the nature of the sentiment in the 
Southern States in regard to the existing controversy, 
and stated that it was their settled conviction that in 
view of the hostile attitude of the North, and of the 
measures which proposed to exclude them from the full 
possession of their rights under the government, they 
ought not to remain in the Union — that to do so would 
sacrifice both their honor and safety. The great practical 
question was whether the North would admit the equal 
right of the slave-holding section to occupy the new Terri- 
tory, and thus restore and preserve the political equilib- 
rium of the Union. In this great speech, which so 
clearly exhibited the status of the South, and which so 
powerfully affected Congress at the time, and the people 
of the whole country, when they became acquainted with 



MR. CALHOUN'S GREAT SPEECH. 221 

its terms, Mr. Calhoun seemed to stand forth as an arbiter 
of the fate of the Union. His conclusion was as emphatic 
and far-reaching in its effect as any speech ever delivered 
in ancient or modern times. He said : 

" It is time, senators, that there should be an open and 
manly avowal on all sides as to what is intended to be done. 
If the question is not now settled it is uncertain whether it 
ever can be hereafter ; and we as the representatives of the 
States of this Union regarded as governments should come to 
a distinct understanding as to our respective views in order to 
ascertain whether the great questions at issue can be settled 
or not. If you who represent the stronger portion cannot 
agree to settle them on the broad principle of justice and 
duty, say so ; and let the States that we both represent agree 
to separate and part in peace. If you are unwilling we should 
part in peace tell us so, and we shall know what to do when 
you reduce the question to submission or resistance. If you 
remain silent you will compel us to infer by your acts what 
you intend. In that case California will become the test 
question. If you admit her under all the difficulties that 
oppose her admission, you compel us to infer that you intend 
to exclude us from the whole of the acquired Territory, with 
the intention of destroying irretrievably the equilibrium be- 
tween the two sections. We would be blind not to perceive 
in that case that your objects are power and aggrandizement, 
and infatuated not to act accordingly." 

Another great statesman was now to appear upon the 
scene. Mr. Webster had not yet expressed himself fully 
In regard to the important questions affecting the country. 
He was obtaining information which would satisfy him as 
to what it might be proper to say in this great conjuncture. 
It is stated from an authentic source that he had learned 
some two months previously from President Taylor and 
the members of his administration what convinced him 
that a dangerous policy was likely to be pursued by the 
Executive in regard to these sectional controversies, and 



222 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

that a different and more comprehensive plan of pacifica- 
tion must be pursued. Before General Taylor's death 
Mr. Webster had made up his mind to give his support 
to such a plan ; he was strongly disposed to take a stand 
with Mr. Clay in the advancement of his measures. In 
a letter to an eminent minister of Philadelphia, dated 
Washington, February 15, 1850, and which has since been 
given to the public, he said, towards its conclusion : 

" In my opinion it is the mild influence of Cristianity, the 
softening and melting power of the Sun of Righteousness, and 
not the storms and tempests of heated controversy, that are in 
the course of those events which an all-wise Providence over- 
rules to dissolve the iron fetters by which man is made the 
slave of man. 

" The effect of moral causes though sure is slow. In two 
thousand years the doctrines and miracles of Jesus Christ 
have converted but a very small part of the human race ; 
and among Christian nations even, many gross and obvious 
errors, like that of the lawfulness of slavery, have still held 
their ground. But what are two thousand years in the great 
work of the progress of the regeneration and redemption of 
mankind ? 

" If we say that the course is onward and forward, as it 
certainly is in regard to the final abolition of human slavery, 
while we give to it our fervent prayers, and aid it by all the 
justifiable influences which we can exercise, it seems to me 
we must leave both the progress and the result in His hands 
who sees the end from the beginning, and in whose sight a few 
years are but as a single day." 

Whatever might be Mr. Webster's sentiments in regard 
to slavery, however ardently he might desire its abolition, 
he would do nothing to hasten it by any act of his as a 
senator of the United States ; he would not contribute his 
influence to the support of any measure that was unjust 
to the South, or that would wound the sensibilities of her 
people. He knew no law under which he could perform 



MR. WEBSTER'S GREA T SPEECH. 223 

an act superior to the Constitution, to which he gave his 
steady support. No appeal to a higher law found any 
favor with him. He was a statesman in the noblest sense 
of the word ; the North and the South could alike trust 
him under all exigencies ; he would uphold the Constitu- 
tion, he would maintain the Union. When, therefore, 
it was understood that he was about to deliver a speech 
in regard to the great controversy which had inflamed 
the country, and which seemed to defy a pacific solution, 
every one was eager to hear him. Mr. Clay had already 
spoken at length, when he introduced his resolutions ; 
Mr. Calhoun, in the speech just referred to, had delivered 
himself fully upon that subject ; and on the 7th of March 
the third of that great trio of statesmen, who have disap- 
peared from our view, but whose influence is still felt 
throughout the length and breadth of this country, rose 
in the Senate, and delivered a speech which will take 
rank through all the coming periods of American history 
as one of the most patriotic and powerful ever delivered 
in this country. He spoke that day, not for the North, 
nor for the South, but for the whole land, bounded on 
the one side by the Atlantic, and on the other by the 
Pacific, and stretching from the extremest borders of the 
North down to the farthest State washed by the Mexican 
Sea. When he spoke the Senate-chamber was thronged, 
every seat occupied, every foot where one could stand 
was filled, every senator was in his place, and among 
them was Mr. Calhoun, who was seen there for the last 
time. But three days before, he caused his speech to be 
read in the Senate, in which he made his final utterance 
in behalf of the South, which he loved so well. He was 
there to-day to hear Mr. Webster, for whom he always 
entertained a profound personal regard, deliver a speech 
which must powerfully affect the fortunes of the country. 
He occupied his seat until it was concluded. 

In this great speech Mr. Webster declared himself 



224 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

utterly opposed to the adoption of any measure for the 
exclusion of slavery by the government from the Terri- 
tories acquired from Mexico. He recognized the validity 
of the resolutions under which Texas had been admitted 
into the Union. He insisted that all laws for the pro- 
tection of the property of the people of the whole coun- 
try should be fully executed ; and he believed that a 
measure of general pacification would relieve the country 
from all apprehension in regard to the existing contro- 
versy upon the subject of slavery, and would inspire new 
hope and confidence in the Constitution, which embraced 
the whole country under its broad aegis. 
In conclusion he said : 

" And now, Mr. President, instead of speaking of the utility 
of secession, and instead of dwelling in those caverns of dark- 
ness, instead of groping with those ideas so full of all that is 
horrid and horrible, let us come out into the light of day, let 
us enjoy the fresh air of liberty and union ; let us cherish 
those hopes which belong to us ; let us devote ourselves to 
those great objects that are fit for our consideration and our 
action ; let us raise our conceptions to the magnitude 
and importance of the duties devolving upon us ; let our 
comprehension be as broad as the country for which we 
act ; our aspirations as high as its certain destiny ; let 
us not be pigmies in a cause that calls for men. Never did 
there devolve on any generation of men higher trusts than 
now devolve upon us for the preservation of this Constitution 
and the harmony and the peace of all who are destined to live 
under it. Let us make our generation one of the strongest and 
brightest links in that golden chain which is destined, I fondly 
believe, to grapple the people of all the States to this Con- 
stitution for ages to come. We have a popular, constitutional 
government, guarded by law and judicature, and defended by 
the affections of the whole people. No monarchical throne 
presses these States together ; no iron chain of military power 
encircles them ; they live and stand under a government popu- 
lar in its form, representative in its character, founded upon 



MR. CALHOUN'S REMARKS. 22$ 

principles of equality, so constructed, we hope, as to last for- 
ever. In all its history it has been beneficent ; it has trodden 
down no man's liberties ; it has crushed no state. Its daily res- 
piration is liberty and patriotism ; its yet youthful veins are full 
of enterprise, courage, and honorable love of glory and renown. 
" Large before, the country has now, by recent events, become 
vastly larger. This Republic now extends with a vast breadth 
across the whole continent. The two great seas of the world 
wash the one and the other shore. We realize on a mighty 
scale the beautiful description of the ornamental border of 
the buckler of Achilles : 

" ' Now, the broad shield complete the artist crowned 
With his last hand, and poured the ocean round ; 
In living silver seemed the waves to roll, 
And beat the buckler's verge, and bound the whole.' " 

Upon the conclusion of Mr. Webster's speech a scene 
of dramatic interest and of great historical importance 
followed. Mr. Calhoun had not appeared in his seat 
since the delivery of his speech three days previously, 
but, ill and enfeebled, and needing repose, he left his 
apartments and came to the Senate-chamber that he 
might hear Mr. Webster, who, it was understood, would 
speak that day. When Mr. Webster took his seat Mr. 
Calhoun rose and said : 

" I cannot agree with the senator from Massachusetts that 
this Union cannot be dissolved. Am I to understand him 
that no degree of oppression, no outrage, no broken faith can 
produce the destruction of this Union ? Why, Sir, if that 
becomes a fixed fact, it will itself become the great instrument 
of producing oppression, outrage, and broken faith. No, Sir, 
the Union can be broken. Great moral causes will break it if 
they go on ; and It can only be preserved by justice, good 
faith, and a rigid adherence to the Constitution." 

He resumed his seat. Mr. Webster then rose and said : 

" The honorable member asks me if I hold the breaking up 
of the Union by any such thing as a voluntary secession of 



226 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

States as an impossibility ? I know, Sir, that this Union 
can be broken up — every government can be — and I admit 
there may be such a degree of oppression as will warrant 
resistance and a forcible severance. That is Revolution — that 
is Revolution ! Of that ultimate right of revolution I have not 
been speaking, I know that that law of necessity does 
exist. I forbear from going further because I do not wish to 
go into a discussion of the nature of this government. The 
honorable member and myself have broken lances sufficiently 
often before on that subject." 

Mr. Calhoun : " I have no desire to do it now." 
Mr. Webster : " I presume the gentleman has not, and I 
have quite as little." 

Mr. Calhoun rose from his seat and, walking erectly, 
passed out of the Senate-chamber, which he was never to 
enter again. 

Mr. Calhoun died March 31st, and a shadow passed over 
the whole country. It was the end of a great career. 
Never in ancient or modern times had any man figured 
in public affairs who had so distinctly impressed his time 
with his personal qualities. His love of country was un- 
questioned, his sincerity clear as the noonday ; his earnest- 
ness rose sometimes to a height which was warmed with 
passion. His imperial intellect comprehended every sub- 
ject that it touched, and in all the eventful periods of our 
history his counsels were given with perfect frankness, 
and his form was seen standing in the most difficult 
exigencies ready to meet every comer. He stood for the 
South, not with the hope of claiming for her any exclusive 
advantages under the government, but asserting her rights 
under the Constitution, In the vigor of his manhood his 
power was felt in every part of the Union, and when, in 
his last days, he saw the great combination of forces 
against the South, he laid down his life in appealing to 
the whole country to do her justice. The light that gilds 
the lofty column of his fame will grow brighter with 



MR. CALHOUN' S DEATH AND FUNERAL. 22/ 

advancing years, and coming generations will look back 
to it with glowing admiration and with sincere homage. 

The funeral services in honor of Mr. Calhoun were 
imposing. His remains were placed in a receiving vault 
until proper arrangements could be made for removing 
them to South Carolina. 

The occasion will be forever associated with memories 
that still affect me profoundly. My son, named for myself, 
then in his seventeenth year, had just been appointed a 
cadet at the Military Academy at West Point, by President 
Taylor, from the country at large. He was just recover- 
ing from a prolonged indisposition, and had not regained 
his strength, but he desired to be present in the pro- 
cession that attended the remains of Mr. Calhoun to the 
cemetery, and he did so on horseback, riding a spirited 
horse, and exposed to the inclemency of a raw and gusty 
day. Returning from the funeral he still exerted himself, 
and going to the Capitol he returned a book which he 
had read, a volume of Prescott's " Conquest of Mexico," 
and brought back another. The exposure and the fatigue 
were too great for him ; he lingered for nearly three weeks, 
and died before my eyes. I decided to take his remains 
to Montgomery, and it so happened that on Monday 
morning when I was ready to proceed on my journey 
I found the committee of Congress escorting the remains 
of Mr. Calhoun at the boat, and they manifested their 
sympathy with me by taking charge of the remains of my 
son at the same time. I comprehended what Cromwell 
meant when, in speaking of the death of his son, he said : 
" It went as a dagger to my heart, indeed it did." I was 
able to read too, with deep sympathy, Mr. Burke's remarks 
in regard to the death of his own son, which occurred 
while he was in the midst of the tumult of political life. 
While he lamented his loss, he said : 

" But the Disposer whose power we are little able to resist, 
and whose wisdom it behooves us not at all to dispute, has 



228 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

ordained it in another manner, and, whatever my querulous 
weakness may suggest, a far better. The storm has gone over 
me ; I lie like one of those old oaks which the late hurricane 
has scattered about me. I am stripped of all my honors ; I am 
torn up by the roots, and lie prostrate on the earth ! There, 
prostrate there I must unfeignedly recognize the Divine jus- 
tice, and in some degree submit to it. . . I live in an 
inverted order. They who ought to have succeeded me have 
gone before me. They who ought to have been to me as 
posterity are in the place of ancestors." 

My son had already made large attainments, and was 
full of promise. The Alabama Journal of Montgomery 
said of him, in May, 1850 : 

" His mind was of the first order — clear, quick, vigorous, and 
comprehensive. His attainments were large and various in an 
extraordinary degree for one of his years. He was a companion 
for the most intelligent and cultivated. 

" His character was of the noblest style. He was full of 
courage, fond of manly exercises, yet gentle, affectionate, 
entering gladly into social enjoyments. The lofty nature 
of even his youthful years never stooped to anything low, 
nor ever compromised his dignity in the slightest degree. 
His sentiments were always pure, always noble, always 
generous. 

" His tastes were highly cultivated. He examined with just 
discrimination books and works of art, and was accomplished 
in drawing and painting. 

" His religious views and habits were peculiarly satisfactory. 
He prayed habitually, recognized the Providence of God with 
humility and resignation, looked to the Redeemer for salva- 
tion, and in his last illness had his mind fixed upon his 
acceptance with God. 

" His appearance was striking. No one could observe him 
without being struck with his nobly developed head and intel- 
lectual face, impressing all who knew him with a high sense of 
his young yet finished character." 



SUDDEN DEATH OF THE PRESIDENT. 229 

Returning to Washington 1 resumed my duties in 
Congress. In an interview with President Taylor he 
spoke of my son, expressing his deep sympathy with 
me, and his regret at the death of one so full of promise. 

President Taylor's plan in regard to California and the 
Territories was still under discussion. A committee of 
thirteen was appointed in the Senate to consider the 
whole question. Their report led to a prolonged, able, 
and important discussion ; before it was concluded an 
event occurred which at once arrested the whole current 
of public business, and produced the profoundest sensa- 
tion throughout the country. 

President Taylor attended the celebration of the anni- 
versary of American Independence, on the morning of 
the 4th of July, in company with his family, and several 
of the heads of departments, conducted by the Washing- 
ton National Monument Association. The day was of 
unusual heat, and the services were of great length. 
President Taylor was in fine health and spirits through- 
out the morning, but upon returning to the Executive 
Mansion he complained of some indisposition ; this deep- 
ened into extreme illness,, which neither the skill of 
physicians nor the unceasing attentions of those about 
him could relieve. He expired on the 9th of July, 
conscious to the last, after having uttered the words : 
" I have endeavored to do my duty ; I am prepared to 
die. My one regret is in leaving behind me the friends 
I love." 

Mr. Fillmore's accession to the presidency occurred the 
next day with brief but impressive ceremonies, which took 
place in the Hall of Representatives. Mr. Fillmore, with 
the fine sense of propriety that always distinguished him, 
did not proceed to the great eastern portico of the Capi- 
tol, but in the presence of both houses of Congress, in 
conformity to his wishes, previously expressed, he took 
the oath of office without any inaugural address, and 



230 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

bowed and retired. The whole scene was a noble illus- 
tration of our system of government. 

The next day President Fillmore sent a message to the 
two houses recommending suitable measures to be taken 
on the occasion of the funeral of his predecessor. 

" I recommend to the two houses of Congress to adopt such 
measures as in their discretion they may deem proper to per- 
form with due solemnities the funeral obsequies of Zachary 
Taylor, late president of the United States, and thereby to 
signify the great and affectionate regard of the American 
people for the memory of one whose life had been devoted to 
the public service ; whose career in arms has not been sur- 
passed in usefulness or brilliancy ; who has been so recently 
raised by the unsolicited voice of the people to the highest 
civil authority in the government, which he administered with 
so much honor and advantage to his country ; and by whose 
sudden death so many hopes of future usefulness have been 
blighted forever." 

In accordance with the President's message, the two 
houses of Congress proceeded to make preparations for a 
solemn and appropriate funeral. It took place on Saturday, 
the 13th day of July. A more impressive spectacle had 
never been witnessed in Washington on such an occasion. 
Eight gray horses were attached to the car which bore the 
coffin, covered with black silk velvet, each horse led by a 
youth habited in a white frock with crape around the 
waist, and a white turban upon the head. General Scott, 
commander-in-chief of the military, in full uniform, 
mounted on a fine horse, rode in the procession. Behind 
the funeral car, " Old Whitey," the faithful war-horse, 
who had borne General Taylor in the great battles of 
Mexico, and who had been a conspicuous object at Buena 
Vista, where he had received a wound, was led, and was 
on this occasion an object of universal interest. Arriving 
at the cemetery, the remains were placed in the receiving 
vault, where the impressive funeral service was pronounced, 



INTERVIEW WITH MR. WEBSTER. 23 1 

followed by triple volleys fired by a portion of the in- 
fantry and the light artillery. There the ceremonies ended. 

Some few days later I had an interesting interview with 
Webster ; we met in the Rotunda of the Capitol, where we 
entered into a conversation in regard to the state of the 
country. Walking the floor he expressed to me with 
perfect frankness his views of the still unsettled questions. 
In speaking of President Taylor he expressed his great 
respect for him, but thought that his want of experience 
as a statesman unfitted him for the adjustment of the 
momentous questions which he would have found it 
necessary to dispose of in the course of his administration. 
He said to me : " Mr. Hilliard, if General Taylor had 
lived we should have had civil war." He believed that 
the contest between Texas and New Mexico, in regard to 
a boundary line, would have risen to such a height as to 
lead to a conflict of arms. President Taylor regarded the 
boundary line as a question to be settled by the govern- 
ment, and he would have resisted an attempt on the part 
of Texas to take possession of any part of the territory 
of New Mexico. He believed that no man had a higher 
sense of duty than the late President, and his resolute 
character was so distinctly understood, that no one 
doubted that he would go forward in the support of his 
convictions, without regard to consequences. He ex- 
pressed the hope that matters would now be adjusted, by 
some terms which would lead to a pacification of the 
dangerous quarrel. Continuing the conversation, I walked 
with Mr. Webster from the Capitol to his residence, and 
was greatly interested in the remarks he made in regard 
to the whole subject of political affairs in the United 
States. 

Every member of President Taylor's Cabinet promptly 
handed in his resignation. Mr. Fillmore requested the 
Cabinet to continue in their places until their successors 
could be chosen, and they did so. Upon the invitation 



232 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

of Mr. Fillmore, Mr. Webster took charge of the Depart- 
ment of State, much to the satisfaction of the friends of 
the new administration. 

Honorable Robert C. Winthrop, of Massachusetts, was 
appointed to succeed him in the Senate. The eminent 
fitness of that gentleman for his new position was well 
known. His attainments, his manners, his political prin- 
ciples, and his large experience in public life all fitted 
him for a useful and brilliant career in the Senate. 

The compromise measures were promptly acted upon, 
but it took some time to mature them. A very import- 
ant question was involved in the boundary between Texas 
and New Mexico, but a satisfactory measure in regard to 
it passed the Senate and came to the House. Immedi- 
ately before the question was submitted to a final vote, I 
delivered a speech advocating the measure. I took the 
ground that the claim of Texas to its full boundary was 
clear ; that the United States, having undertaken to de- 
fend that State and assert its claims against Mexico to 
the fullest extent, and having at the close of the war 
accomplished all the objects which we undertook when 
we entered into it, could not now refuse to recognize the 
boundary which had been acquired from Mexico for 
Texas. It seemed to me that we ought not now to turn 
that State over to any other tribunal for the adjustment 
of its claims. We had acquired title to all the territory 
claimed by Texas ; we could not assert it for ourselves, but 
it enured to the benefit of the State which had been 
admitted into the Union. The measure, as it came to 
the House from the Senate, was adopted without altera- 
tion. Before the adjournment of Congress the compro- 
mise measures were adopted and were approved by 
President Fillmore. The success of these important 
measures was received with acclamations of joy in Wash- 
ington ; the scenes that followed the night after the 
announcement of their success surpassed in enthusiasm 



DINNER A T MR. WIN THRO P 'S. 233 

anything that had been witnessed there for many years. 
Mr. Winthrop entertained at dinner several gentlemen, 
and I had the honor of being one of his guests. I was 
seated by the side of Mr. Webster, and near us sat Gen- 
eral Scott and Judge McLean, of the Supreme Court, and 
there were a number of other distinguished gentlemen 
present. Mr. Webster retired early and drove to his own 
residence. Later in the evening General Scott came to 
me and said : " Mr. Hilliard, let us call on Webster and 
offer our congratulations." We found a number of gen- 
tlemen already there, who had called on Mr. Webster to 
greet him on the auspicious occasion ; the most of them 
retired, leaving General Scott and myself with Mr. Web- 
ster, who, in fine spirits, was conversing with us in regard 
to the success of the measures which he hoped would 
restore tranquillity to the country. At that moment 
music burst on the air, and we heard the tramp of ap- 
proaching feet. It was a party come to serenade the 
great statesman. General Scott immediately passed out 
of the door, but I remained to witness the scene. Mr. 
Webster was called for, and advancing to the door he 
passed through it and stood upon the steps of his house, 
where he thanked the great assemblage for the honor 
which they had done him, and proceeded to deliver a 
brief speech in his most animated style. At its conclu- 
sion some of those in front of the house recognized me 
and called me out. I made a brief speech, expressing 
my great gratification at the success of measures so im- 
portant to the peace and prosperity of the whole country. 

After an extended conversation with Mr. Webster, in 
which he spoke with the utmost frankness in regard to 
the state of the country and of his personal relations to 
public affairs, I took leave of him. 

The compromise measures, as they were called, con- 
sisted of an act to admit California as a State with " free " 
constitution and with certain defined boundaries : an act 



234 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

for the organization of the Territories of New Mexico and 
Utah, without any restrictions against or a declaration in 
favor of slavery ; an act to fix the boundary of Texas ; 
a new act for the extradition of fugitive slaves ; an act 
excluding the slave-trade from the District of Columbia. 
It was the hope of the conservative men in Congress that 
the people of the United States would treat these meas- 
ures as a final settlement of all questions relating to slavery 
on which there could be any action of Congress under the 
Constitution. 

After a session of unusual length and of great import- 
ance, Congress adjourned on the 30th day of September. 




CHAPTER XXII. 

Interval between the Two Sessions of Congress — Visit to New York — 
Speech at Castle Garden, October 14, 1850 — Jenny Lind — Great Con- 
cert in Philadelphia — Opening of the December Session of Congress — 
State of the Country — Social Life in Washington — Sir Henry L. Bul- 
wer — Mr. Corcoran — Mr. Benjamin Ogle Tayloe — Adjournment of 
Congress. 

The interval between the second session of Congress 
was so brief that I decided not to return home, but to 
seek recreation in a visit to the North. I proceeded to 
New York, and passed some time there in visiting objects 
of interest, in receiving social attentions, and in meeting 
eminent men. I received an invitation to visit the Ameri- 
can Institute, at Castle Garden, and delivered a speech 
there on the 14th of October, 1850. I thought it a proper 
occasion to contribute something to the encouragement 
of a national sentiment throughout the whole country. 
Having been introduced by General Tallmadge, I was 
received with enthusiasm, and said : 

" I feel myself honored, fellow-citizens, in being thus intro- 
duced to you by the venerable and distinguished President of 
the American Institute, who has so long devoted his talents 
and energies for the cause of industry and development of the 
resources of this great State. 

'* And I feel myself honored, too, in being thus received by 
you, representing as you do the industry, the skill, the wealth, 
and the enterprise which are so rapidly advancing our country 
in civilization. 

235 



236 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

" I come to you from a distant State — a State known to you 
mainly, so far, by its agriculture, yet not wanting in mineral 
resources, and already engaged successfully in manufactures. 
But coming from that State to this emporium of commerce — 
this city which has already outstripped every city on the con- 
tinent of Europe, and which is destined soon to rival the great 
metropolis of England itself, — coming to this city, I feel there 
are some considerations which bind us together in common 
sympathy. 

" I can on the present occasion, when there is so much all 
around you to interest you, advert to but one or two of these 
considerations. The first of these is that we belong to the 
same country ; we are all Americans ; we are all citizens of 
one government. I come from a State washed by the waters 
of the Gulf of Mexico, and I am now in a city belonging to a 
great State washed by the Saint Lawrence, and stand this 
evening in a building against which the waves of New York 
Bay break ; yet the broad expanse which stretches between 
New York and Alabama, between your home and my home, 
is our common country. Every part of it — every plain, and 
mountain, and stream, and village, and city, all belong to us ; 
and over the whole extent of it the same great and beneficent 
political system spreads its majestic proportions. 

" The same flag that floats over your ship floats over ours ; 
the same historic recollections which warm your hearts warm 
ours ; and the same future that is opened to your eyes is 
opened to ours. Diversities I know there are ; great States 
called by different names there are ; but they are not hostile 
States. No fortress frowns upon the streams which mark their 
boundaries ; it is but an extension of the same family ; they 
have spread from the Atlantic shores to the Mississippi, to the 
Rocky Mountains, to the Pacific coast, but they have borne 
with them everywhere the same religious and political institu- 
tions. 

" As Americans, therefore, I know that in this we shall sym- 
pathize with each other — we have a common country ; common 
in its origin, common in its history, and common in its destiny. 
There is another consideration to which I will advert. It is 



SPEECH AT CASTLE GARDEN, IN 1850. 237 

this : we are all alike interested in the success of American 
industry ; we feel we are pledged to this great cause. The 
industry which belongs to the North interests us of the South ; 
and, gentlemen, I say to you, standing here as a Representative 
in the Congress of the United States, in my judgment a com- 
mon government ought to grant a wise, moderate, and steady 
protection to American indus^^ry. 

'' I believe that agriculture, the first great employment of man 
— the noblest employment of man, — agriculture, which takes 
one from his fireside into the fields, where, with the plough, he 
turns the soil to the face of heaven, and casts the seed in with 
his hands, — agriculture should enjoy the support of the gov- 
ernment, whose protection should always be equally extended 
to the mechanic arts. Let the artisan who labors at the forge 
or in the workshop feel that his government cares for and pro- 
tects him, and he will feel an interest in the prosperity of his 
government. 

" I regard this exhibition as one of the noblest displays of 
American character. It is like America. 

" Some years since, when in Europe, I witnessed an exhibi- 
tion of industry in Paris. It was composed chiefly of articles of 
beauty and grace. Everywhere the eye rested on some article 
marked by exquisite skill. Everything attested the perfection 
to which art had been carried in some of these branches. 

" But when I entered your fair to-night I found that you are 
employed chiefly in the production of useful articles ; I find 
here the plough, the scythe, the axe, and among these the manu- 
factures of our looms. Of all the branches of human industry 
and specimens of excellent skill, the great elements I see are 
those of power — mighty industries spreading happiness over 
the land. 

" In former times wealth and industry were expended for 
the benefit of the few. The head of a powerful dynasty, one 
who had his retainers, enjoyed chiefly the result of their labors. 
It is not so now. The skill of the mechanic, the power of the 
artisan, and the wealth of the capitalists, — these are now em- 
ployed for the benefit of the masses ; not to make the great 
greater, the rich richer, but to spread comfort among the 



238 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

masses, to make their firesides smile with happiness, and their 
children rejoice in the home of industry. 

''This is the great picture which America presents — industry 
diffusing "vealth among the masses. It is a glorious spectacle 
of widespread happiness. The tendency of our institutions is 
to diffuse wealth rather than to concentrate it in a few hands, 
and I rejoice that it is so. Dut understand me ; wealth is 
entitled to protection as well as inductry, I have no sympathy 
with that class of reformers who would strip the wealthy of their 
possessions and scatter them abroad in the vain hope of aug- 
menting the sum of human happiness by destroying the great 
principles which bind society together. Far be it from me, 
gentlemen. I would have every man enjoy his individual 
property. I am for that sort of industry which spreads wealth 
among the laboring classes, and elevates them gradually to the 
scale that rises above them. 

" Government is constituted for the good of those who sup- 
port it ; no government can be stable or powerful which is not 
administered for their benefit. I find that I have announced 
a great political doctrine ; it is one which history teaches, and 
future generations will write it upon the face of the whole 
earth. No government ought to stand which overlooks or neg- 
lects the welfare of its people. The American government, the 
greatest popular government which the world has ever beheld, 
is established for the protection of its people in all their rights 
at home and abroad. When the American citizen quits his own 
shores he looks to his government for protection against the 
tyranny of other governments ; upon the high sea he feels in 
the flag that floats over him ample security, because the whole 
power of America goes with that flag, and wherever he may go 
in his travels he feels that his far-distant home guarantees his 
safety. 

" But, gentlemen, this is not the only object for which our 
government was established. The citizen must be protected 
in the enjoyment of the fruits of his industry. The govern- 
ment, in conducting its great operations, must not overlook 
the individual prosperity of its people, or sacrifice their per- 
sonal welfare merely to advance the glory of the state. It 



THE CONSTITUTION SUPREME. 239 

should, in its action, foster the labor of its people. I do not 
mean that it should shower benefits upon the indolent ; far 
from it. We raise our revenue by laying imposts. Now, are 
we to do this for the purpose of raising the greatest amount of 
revenue, and thus increase our treasury ? Far from it. We 
are so to lay them upon foreign imports as to discriminate in 
favor of our own industry, not so as to keep out the foreign 
article, but to do what shall result to the benefit of the produ- 
cer at home. While we thus raise an ample revenue, and carry 
on the government, we shall make the system tributary to the 
prosperity of the whole country — the North and the South, and 
to all classes — the manufacturer and the planter. 

"... This sentiment I adhere to ; here and elsewhere I 
proclaim it ; I desire to see the Union which binds these States 
stand. To perpetuate it we must be just to each other. . . . 
Let us then stand by the Constitution. The enemies of the 
Constitution are the enemies of the government, the enemies 
of the country. The government cannot exist unless the Con- 
stitution is to be obeyed. If some of its provisions seem to 
bear hard on you, you must remember that some of its provi- 
sions seem to bear hard on us. The Constitution must be 
respected. Its authority is supreme. We must bear and for- 
bear. When a crisis comes which appeals to our sectional 
sentiments — a crisis which would array the North against the 
South — let us rekindle our patriotism by going back to the 
scenes in which the great, the good men took part who formed 
the Constitution, and we shall learn from them to deal with each 
other as members of the same great family, and to cherish a 
patriotism broad enough to embrace our whole country. 

" I thank you, fellow-citizens, for your kind indulgence in 
bearing with me, and for the very cordial manner in which you 
have responded to the sentiments which I have ventured to 
express." 

Some days previous to my visit to New York, a great 
musical event had occurred. Mile. Jenny Lind, the 
Swedish nightingale, had arrived. Her splendid career 
in Europe was well known. Not only was she a match- 



240 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

less singer — a queen of song, — she was an extraordinary 
woman — one of those rare beings whose radiance out- 
shines the glittering marts of trade, and sheds a lustre 
upon the world. One who knew her said : " She regarded 
art as a sacred vocation." Miss Frederika Bremer wrote 
of her : 

" Speak to her of her art, and you will wonder at the 
expansion of her mind, and will see her countenance beam 
with inspiration. Converse with her then of God, and of the 
holiness of religion, and you will see tears in those innocent 
eyes : she is great as an artist, but still greater in her pure 
human existence." 

The enthusiasm which she created in the great capitals 
of Europe rose to such a height that it was almost 
impossible to obtain seats in an opera house where she 
was to sing, unless arrangements had been made in 
advance. In Berlin the manager engaged her at the rate 
of four thousand pounds per year, with two months' 
vocation. 

Mendelssohn engaged her for the musical festival at 
Aix-la-Chapelle, and was so delighted with her singing 
that he said : " There will not be born in a whole century 
another being so largely gifted as Jenny Lind." 

In Vienna the imperial family paid her the most 
marked attention, and the people were wild in their 
demonstration of admiration. 

Her first appearance in London, some three years before 
she came to America, was a splendid triumph. A great 
musical authority says that Mendelssohn, who was sitting 
by him, and whose attachment to Jenny Lind's genius was 
unbounded, turned around as she advanced in her part, 
watched the audience as the notes of the singer swelled 
and filled the house, and smiled with delight as he saw 
how completely every one in the audience was magnet- 
ized. The delicious sustained notes which began the first 



JENNY LIND. 24 1 

cavatina died away into a faint whisper, and thunders of 
applause went up with one breath, the stentorian voice 
of Lablache, who was sitting in his box, booming Hke a 
great bell amid the noise. The excitement of the 
audience at the close of the opera almost bafifles 
description. 

A writer giving an account of that season says : 

" The struggle for admission after the first night made the 
attempt to get a seat, except by long pre-arrangement, an ex- 
perience of purgatory ; twenty-five pounds were paid for single 
boxes, while four or five guineas were gladly given for common 
stalls. Hours were spent before the doors of the opera house 
on the chance of a place in the pit. Never had there been 
such a musical enthusiasm in London. Since the days when 
the world fought for hours at the pit door to see the seventh 
farewell of Siddons, never had been seen in the least approach 
the scenes at the entrance of the theatre on * Lind nights.' " 

Jenny Lind decided to leave the lyric stage, and her 
last appearance was on May loth, in her original character 
of Alice. One who witnessed the scene describes it : 

" The crowd was dense in every nook and corner of the 
house, including all the great personages of the realm. The 
whole royal family were present, the Houses of Parliament 
had emptied themselves to swell the throng, and everybody 
distinguished in art, letters, science, or fashion contributed to 
the splendor of the audience." 

When the curtain fell, and a deafening roar of applause, 
renewed again and again, had ceased, Mile. Lind was 
called in front of the curtain three times, and at last she 
stood, her eyes streaming with tears, while the audience 
shouted themselves hoarse, so prolonged and irrepressible 
was the enthusiasm. 

She was singing in concert in Germany, when Mr. 
P. T. Barnum induced her to consent to come to America, 
and concluded a treaty with her for one hundred and fifty 

i6 



242 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

concerts at the rate of one thousand dollars for each of the 
performances. One may imagine the enthusiasm excited 
by her arrival in New York. The people packed the 
wharf, and her hotel, the Irving House, was surrounded 
by not less than thirty thousand people, and she was sere- 
naded by a band of one hundred and thirty musicians. 

Her first appearance was at Castle Garden, September 
II, 1850, and an audience of between seven and eight 
thousand greeted her. The enthusiasm was indescribable. 
The proceeds of the concert were twenty-six thousand 
dollars, of which, it is understood, Jenny Lind gave her 
share, ten thousand dollars, to the charitable institutions 
of the city. In her several performances in England she 
had given to charities sixty thousand pounds. 

When I reached New York, Jenny Lind was in the 
city, but she had engaged to give a concert in Phila- 
delphia. I could not miss it. My eldest son, William 
Preston HilHard, just from Princeton College, was with 
me, and I immediately wrote to the proprietor of my 
hotel in Philadelphia to secure two seats for me. 

Upon my arrival I inquired at the office of the hotel, 
and found that the seats had not been taken for me; 
expressing my deep disappointment, I was informed that 
Mr. Barnum was in the hotel, and I promptly called on 
him. He said that he was sorry to say that every seat had 
been taken, except one box for five persons, overlooking 
the stage. I asked the price ; he replied fifty dollars. 
I secured it, and went in search of some gentleman of 
my acquaintance to share it with me. I met Honorable 
Mr. Levin, a member of Congress from Pennsylvania, 
and he consented to take three of the seats for himself. 

In the evening, on entering our box, I found Mr. Levin 
and two ladies of his family, and in looking over the 
audience I felt already repaid. I had never witnessed such 
a scene ; the audience was brilliant, and the animation 
already irrepressible. 



HER MATCHLESS VOICE. 243 

When Jenny Lind approached, a storm of applause 
greeted her ; she ran lightly upon the stage as she 
entered, bowing with perfect grace in recognition of the 
greeting. She realized perfectly a description given of 
her before she came to America. She was not handsome, 
but of pleasing aspect ; a voice of placid sweetness, 
expressive features, soft dove-like blue eyes, and abun- 
dant wavy flaxen hair made up a highly agreeable ensemble, 
while the slender figure was full of grace. There was an 
air of virginal simplicity and modesty in every movement, 
which set her apart from her stage sisters. To this, her 
character answered every line. Moving in the midst of a 
world which had watched every action, not the faintest 
breath of scandal ever shaded the fair fame of this 
Northern Lily. 

Of her voice a contemporaneous writer says : 

" Her voice is a pure soprano, of the fullest compass belong- 
ing to voices of this class, and of such evenness of tone that 
the nicest ear can discover no difference of quality from the 
bottom to the summit of the scale. Her lowest notes came 
out as clear and ringing as the highest, and the highest as soft 
and sweet as the lowest. Her tones are never mufifled or in- 
distinct, nor do they ever offend the ear by the slightest tinge 
of shrillness ; mellow roundness distinguishes every sound she 
utters ; as she never strains her voice it never seems to be loud, 
and hence some one who busied himself in anticipatory depre- 
ciation said it would be found to fail in power, a mistake of 
which everybody was convinced who observed how it filled 
the ear, and how distinctly every inflection was heard through 
the fullest harmony of the orchestra. The same clearness 
was observable in her pianissimo. When in her beautiful 
closes she prolonged the tone, attenuated it by degrees, 
and falling gently upon the final note the sound, though as 
ethereal as the sighing of a breeze, reached, like Mrs. Sid- 
dons' whisper in Lady Macbeth, every part of the immense 
theatre." 



244 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

I heard Grisi and Persiani in Paris, but the singing of 
Mile. Jenny Lind, as I heard her in Philadelphia, was to 
me a revelation in music. Two of her songs charmed 
me beyond expression. The " Echo Song " was a won- 
derful performance ; the clearness, the purity, the ringing 
sweetness, cannot be described. If one may compare 
light with sound, her notes seemed like the rays of the 
morning sun glancing from the icy cliffs of the Alps. 

She sang " The Last Rose of Summer " with matchless 
beauty ; there was a tender pathos in her voice which 
gave to these exquisite lines by Moore a new charm ; the 
words — the Irish air — the grace of the peerless woman, 
as she stood before the entranced audience, cannot be 
described. I shall not forget that song while I remember 
anything. Those lines never fail to touch the hearts of 
an audience, and Flotow has interwoven them with his 
most beautiful opera, " Martha," and they will live as 
long as music sways human hearts. 

The session of Congress which opened in December 
was not marked by any political event of importance. 
The passage of the compromise measures had disposed 
of the great questions which disturbed the proceedings 
of Congress for some years, and it was the hope of the 
conservative statesmen that they would be acquiesced in 
throughout the country. The state of the country was 
generally satisfactory. 

In Massachusetts and in some other parts of the North 
there were expressions of dissatisfaction at the adoption 
of the measure providing for the extradition of fugitive 
slaves. At one or two public meetings some intemperate 
resolutions were adopted. In the month of February, 
185 1, a flagrant act of resistance to the law for the extra- 
dition of fugitive slaves occurred. An alleged fugitive 
slave was arrested in Boston under a process issued in 
conformity with the act of Congress lately adopted, and 
while detained in the custody of an officer in the United 



PEACE AND PROSPERITY. 245 

States Court room was rescued. At a late hour in the 
evening a mob broke into the court house, and, taking 
the prisoner from the possession of the officer, set him 
at liberty. The negro made his escape and was not again 
arrested. While many were in sympathy with this act, 
committed in defiance of law, it was condemned by the 
great majority of the citizens, who felt that the supremacy 
of the Constitution and the laws passed in Congress, with 
its provisions, must be sustained. 

There appeared at this time some men who encouraged 
a sentiment which, if it prevailed, would tend to the 
subversion of the Constitution and the government. 
They undertook to set up their private judgment of 
what the law of God ordained, in opposition to the 
positive commands of the fundamental law of the land. 
This dangerous doctrine, asserted in New England, and 
later in other parts of the Union by men aspiring to be 
leaders of the people, was absolutely incompatible with 
the administration of the government. Unhappily, it 
became afterwards so powerful as to array the North 
against the South, and to precipitate the country into a 
gigantic war. 

Holland is protected by dykes against the sea ; her 
safety demands that the billows shall not be allowed to 
break through a single barrier, for then must come the 
overwhelming ocean. 

Such was the general condemnation of this infraction 
of law, and of the unstatesmanlike and dangerous doc- 
trine which led to it, that the tranquillity of the govern- 
ment was not disturbed. Looking out upon the whole 
extent of the republic, I rejoiced in the wide picture of 
peace and prosperity. 

Several important meetings were held to commemorate 
national events, and the most patriotic spirit pervaded 
them. On the 22d of February, 1851, the birthday of 
Washington was celebrated in the city of New York as a 



246 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

national festival. It was a grand tribute to the Union. 
I was honored with an invitation to be present, but find- 
ing at the last moment that I could not leave my seat in 
Congress, I wrote a letter to the committee expressing 
my hearty concurrence in the object of the meeting. 

The influence of this great meeting upon the popular 
sentiment of the country was widely felt. The friends of 
the Constitution everywhere were hopeful. 

Social life in Washington was at this time delightful. 
The hospitality of the residents of the city — a people 
inheriting the generous qualities of their Maryland and 
Virginia ancestors — was abounding. 

Several members of the Diplomatic Corps entertained 
with elegance. Sir Henry Lytton Bulwer was at that 
time the English Minister at Washington. I enjoyed a 
friendly intercourse with him. The first day he took pos- 
session of his official residence he invited me to dine en 
faniille. He excelled in conversation, and I was fortunate 
enough to meet him from time to time. On the occasion 
of this dinner he was very pleasing ; I had represented 
the United States at Brussels, and had met in Europe 
persons connected with him, and in the service of the 
British government, and we found subjects to interest us 
both for conversation. Lady Bulwer was a daughter of 
Lord Cowley, and a niece of the Duke of Wellington. 
There was a natural frankness in her manner which made 
her very agreeable to our people. She gave me a warm 
welcome to her house. I met, too, at dinner Sir Edward 
Robert Bulwer-Lytton, a son of Lord Bulwer Lytton, a 
young gentleman who had lately entered the diplomatic 
service, and was an attache and private secretary to his 
uncle, Sir Henry L. Bulwer. His career since that time 
has been brilliant in literature, and in the service of his 
country, being the author of " Lucile," and having 
been Governor-General of India, and Ambassador to 
France. 



WASHINGTON SOCIETY. 247 

Mr. Benjamin Ogle Tayloe, whose elegant residence, 
near that of Mrs. Madison, was situated on Lafayette 
Square, in front of the President's mansion, gave attrac- 
tive entertainments. His dinners and evening receptions 
brought together the most agreeable people of the city ; 
and there were to be seen at his house the most distin- 
guished persons holding official places. I met there at 
dinner, just before the adjournment of Congress, a party 
of gentlemen who would have graced any table. I recall 
among the number, Mr. Clay, Mr. Edward Everett, Mr. 
Gales of The National Intelligencer, General Scott, and 
several others conspicuous for their public services and 
for their high culture. 

There was another gentleman residing in Washington, 
who, without holding an official position, has attained the 
highest rank in social circles. Mr. W. W. Corcoran 
occupied his magnificent residence nearly fronting the 
President's house, which was the seat of a hospitality 
distinguished for its profusion and elegance. His dinners 
were unrivalled for splendor ; and the eminent men of our 
country — statesmen, scholars, and those who adorned the 
bench — were invited from time to time for many successive 
years, and were entertained in a princely way. Mr. Corco- 
ran used his great wealth up to the day of his death in a 
way so generous and beneficent as to earn for him that 
noblest of all titles — philanthropist. The last time I 
dined at his table I met a distinguished party of gentle- 
men, Mr. Clay among the number, but a little time before 
he retired from such scenes, and whose brow seemed 
touched, even then, with the rays of a setting sun. 

Congress adjourned at the usual time without anything 
having occurred to disturb its deliberations. 

In reviewing my course in Congress I wish to state that^ 
during the excited discussions which occurred upon the 
subject of slavery, I never attempted to argue it as a 
moral question. I forbore to treat it in that light, with- 



248 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

out any reference to my sentiments in regard to it, but 
upon the ground that to argue slavery as a moral question 
before Congress would be to admit the jurisdiction of that 
body over the subject. I took the ground that the insti- 
tution of slavery existed within the Southern States 
before the organization of the general government, and 
that it was independent of its control. No powers con- 
ceded to the government granted to it any jurisdiction 
over that question. Powers not delegated to the United 
States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the 
States, were reserved to the States respectively, or to the 
people. Always regarding this fundamental provision in 
the Constitution as of the greatest importance to the States 
throughout the Union, and especially to the States of the 
South, I steadily adhered to it. I never conceded the 
right of Congress to treat slavery as a moral question, or 
to discuss its policy. Always ready to recognize and up- 
hold the powers of the general government in their fullest 
exercise, and believing that the interests of the people of 
the South were safer within the Union than they could be 
outside of it, I regarded it as the truest policy to resist 
firmly on every occasion any attempt on the part of Con- 
gress to transcend the authority which it derived from the 
Constitution. 




CHAPTER XXIII. 

Return to Montgomery — Decline a Re-election to Congress — Discussions 
with Hon. William L. Yancey — Democratic Convention at Baltimore, 
June I, 1852 — Whig Convention at Baltimore, June i6th — Death of 
Henry Clay, June 2gth — Death of Daniel Webster, October 24th — 
Presidential Election, November 2d — Administration of President 
Pierce — New Acquisition of Territory from Mexico — Organization of 
Two New Territories, Kansas and Nebraska — Repeal of the Missouri 
Compromise Act. 

Immediately after the adjournment of Congress I 
returned to Montgomery, and received a warm welcome 
from my friends. 

I was urged to accept the nomination for re-election to 
Congress. Leading gentlemen of the Whig party in 
Montgomery and in the surrounding country, embracing 
the whole district, insisted that I should continue my 
public service. 

Just before the opening of the late session of Congress 
I had published in the National Intelligencer a full letter, 
declining a re-election, and giving my views on the state 
of the country. Believing the measures adopted by Con- 
gress would be accepted generally as a settlement of the 
slavery question, and that the administration of Mr. Fill- 
more would be thoroughly conservative, I felt that I 
might, for a time, retire from the public service without 
the sacrifice of my obligations to the party which had so 
long and so generously trusted and sustained me. 

Before entering Congress I had for several years repre- 
sented the government at Brussels, and I felt a sincere 

249 



250 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

desire to enjoy for a time my residence at Montgomery 
with my family and my friends. Therefore, with a grate- 
ful acknowledgment for the kindness of my personal and 
political friends, who desired to advance me in public life, 
I declined at that time to re-enter Congress. When the 
Whig district convention met to nominate a candidate to 
succeed me they selected a gentleman in another part of 
the district of great respectability, who had some experi- 
ence in political life, and who, being a large and wealthy 
planter, was identified with the interests of the South. 
He accepted the nomination and entered upon a canvass 
of the district. 

The Democratic convention had nominated for Con- 
gress Hon. John Cochran, who was eminently qualified 
for the public service. Some few weeks later the candi- 
date of the Whig party, who had gone around the district, 
came to Montgomery and reported that if the election 
were to occur immediately he believed that he would be 
defeated. It happened at that time that there were a 
number of distinguished Whigs from different parts of the 
State at Montgomery, having business before the Supreme 
Court. There was an informal meeting held by these 
gentlemen, who were much interested in maintaining the 
ascendancy of the party in the important district which I 
had represented, and they came to the conclusion that it 
was important for me to make a line of appointments 
throughout the district, appealing to my old friends to 
be loyal to our cause. Yielding to this appeal I pub- 
lished a line of appointments covering the district, and 
stating that I would address the people at the places 
named ; that I would not enter into discussion with any 
one. I was not willing to enter into a heated debate at 
that time, and I felt that it was my privilege to address 
my late constituents without meeting any one, as I was 
not a candidate for re-election. 

Leading gentlemen of the Democratic party, not con- 



DISCUSSION WITH HOM. W. L. YANCEY. 25 1 

tent with this plan, decided that some one representing 
them must meet me at the several places at which I had 
given notice that I would deliver addresses. One of the 
leading papers stated that I must not be permitted to 
speak to the people of the district without meeting some 
one to reply to me ; that there was one gentleman whom 
I had never yet met, who would take the field against 
me ; that Hon. William L. Yancey, who had, like myself, 
declined a re-election to Congress, would meet rne at my 
appointments throughout the district. 

My first appointment was at Union Springs, forty-five 
miles east of Montgomery, an interesting town in the 
midst of a beautiful country where wealthy planters re- 
sided. When I reached the place I found an immense 
concourse of people assembled. There was no railroad 
connecting the place with Montgomery at that time, but 
a number of gentlemen attended who desired to witness 
the first meeting between Mr. Yancey and myself. A 
large number of ladies were present, who took the great- 
est interest in such discussions at that time. My friends 
had erected a platform for public speaking which they 
supposed would be occupied by me alone. Some short 
time before the hour arrived when I should address the 
people, several of my friends came to me and stated that 
Mr. Yancey was on the ground and proposed to meet me 
in debate. After some conversation, I said to them that 
I was reluctant to engage in a public discussion, but that 
as Mr. Yancey seemed determined to draw me into it I 
should not avoid it. I authorized them to arrange the 
terms of discussion with Mr. Yancey's friends, reserving 
to myself the right on that occasion to make the closing 
speech. The scene presented to my view as I ascended 
the platform was one of extraordinary interest. Mr. 
Yancey, who had already taken his place, advanced and 
extended his hand, and we greeted each other cordially. 
It was a bright summer day, the sun shone with splendor 



252 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

upon a beautiful landscape, and large numbers of carriages 
were drawn up near the stand, while the improvised seats 
were filled with the people. The chairmen, one chosen from 
each of the parties, presided, and the discussion opened. 

Mr. Yancey's speech expressed in strong terms his 
views of the state of the country ; he believed that the 
South should be represented in Congress by men ready 
to defend its interests to the last extremity ; he did not 
believe that the compromise measures would be generally 
accepted as a settlement of the slavery question ; that 
they did not deal justly with the South, and that they 
were vehemently opposed by the leading men of the 
North. He denounced compromises, and insisted that 
the people of the South should be ready at all times to 
vindicate their rights and withdraw from the Union if 
further aggressions should be made by the government. 
He spoke for more than an hour with animation, but not 
with the vigor that I had expected from him. 

When I rose to reply I was received by my friends 
with enthusiasm, and I spoke for an hour and a half 
upon the state of the country, insisting that the recent 
adjustment of the slavery question might be regarded as 
satisfactory ; that the South had lost nothing by the 
settlement, and that our true policy was to assert our 
rights vigorously within the Union, resisting any en- 
croachment that might be made. Statesmanship of a 
high order under our government consisted in recogniz- 
ing the authority of the general government to the full 
extent of its constitutional powers, and by asserting our 
rights under its protection rather than by resorting to 
menaces and proclaiming our purpose to subvert the 
Union. I stated that I was loyal to the South and at 
the same time a friend of the Union, which spread the 
aegis of its powerful protection over the country. 

Holding opinions directly in opposition to those of 
Mr. Yancey, and being in sympathy with the great Whig 



THE QUESTION AT ISSUE. 253 

party, I met Mr. Yancey from time to time in a regular 
series of debates covering my congressional district, 
which was very large, extending from the Alabama River 
to the Chattahoochee, and down to the Florida line. The 
series of debates which had just been opened continued 
for some weeks ; we were followed from place to place 
by a large concourse of gentlemen deeply interested in 
politics, who never swerved from their attention to our 
discussions until the end of the canvass. 

These debates became so heated that when we reached 
Eufaula it was thought prudent to make arrangements for 
us to address the people from different platforms. Mr. 
Yancey, attended by his friends, spoke at one place, and 
I, by a large body of gentlemen who supported me, from 
another. 

After this, proceeding to the counties below Eufaula, 
we met as before, some explanations having been made 
by mutual friends. 

The great question at issue between Mr. Yancey and 
myself was the policy of inflaming the people of the 
South in opposition to the measures of the general gov- 
ernment affecting our institutions. He insisted that our 
only safety was to be found in restraining the action of 
the general government within limits which left little 
power to accomplish any great result affecting the inter- 
ests of the South. 

I contended that the true policy of the South was to 
uphold the authority of the general government within 
the limits prescribed by the Constitution, and at the 
same time to protect the interests of the Southern people 
by a vigorous resistance in Congress to anything like 
encroachment upon our rights. 

Mr. Yancey, impatient under opposition, chafed occa- 
sionally under my statement of the ruinous tendency of 
the policy which he advocated. He had voted for the 
bill organizing the Territory of Oregon, which contained 



254 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

a clause excluding slavery ; before the passage of the 
bill he had voted to strike out this anti-slavery clause, 
but when it was embodied in the bill he voted for the 
measure. When, therefore, in the presence of great bod- 
ies of the people, he arraigned the Whig party for its opin- 
ions and denounced their policy as hostile to the South, 
I thought it proper at length to say it seemed to me 
that the gentleman himself should be more tolerant in 
his judgment of his political opponents ; that while I did 
not doubt the gentleman's loyalty to the South, he had 
himself conceded the authority of Congress to exclude 
slavery from a territory of the Union by voting for a 
measure forbidding its introduction. This roused Mr. 
Yancey to an extreme degree, it put him on the defen- 
sive, it made it necessary that he should explain the 
circumstances under which he had voted for the Oregon 
Bill, believing that it was important to organize that 
remote territory by an act of our government. 

On one occasion when we were about to open our de- 
bate at an important point I was met a mile or two from 
the place by a large body of gentlemen mounted on 
horseback, who acted as an escort up to the place where 
the discussion was to take place. Before the debate 
opened Mr. Yancey and I were seated in pleasant conver- 
sation, when he said to me : " Mr. Hilliard, shall we have 
a friendly debate to-day ? " I replied : " Mr. Yancey, I 
must mention your vote on the Oregon question ; I can- 
not overlook it to-day." 

The result of this canvass was the full vindication of 
my views on the relation of the South to the general 
government. The elections that followed this protracted 
debate showed a decided ascendancy for the Whig party. 
From the commencement of the discussions between Mr. 
Yancey and myself the two candidates for Congress stood 
aside, and were never present, but the gentleman brought 
out by the Whig party was elected. 



CONVENTION OF THE SOUTHERN Sl'ATES. 255 

Mr. Yancey was in every way an extraordinary man. 
Of great intellect, high culture, commanding presence, 
great magnetism, and powerful in debate, especially before 
the people, he belonged to that class of statesmen who 
held extreme Southern views of the government, known 
by the popular phrase " fire-eaters." He believed with 
Mr. Calhoun that the powers of the general government 
should be limited, and insisted that the States were sov- 
ereign, united under a league, rather than forming a part 
of the government, whose authority, under the provisions 
of the Constitution, covered them. I regarded him as 
the most powerful advocate of the Southern-rights doc- 
trine to be found in the whole country ; and in his appeals 
to the people, when he stood before them on the platform, 
he was thought by many to be irresistible. 

Opening his speeches in a manner that was courteous 
and pleasing, exhibiting nothing of the latent passions of 
his nature, as he advanced in his argument he not only 
presented great intellectual force in the statement of his 
propositions, but he exhibited a vehemence unsurpassed 
in our country since the time of Patrick Henry. 

A great occasion for the display of Mr. Yancey's power 
as a tribune of the people was at the commercial conven- 
tion of the Southern States, held in Montgomery, Ala- 
bama, a short time before secession occurred, — the last 
of such meetings ever held in the South. Every Southern 
State had a full representation, and some of the ablest 
statesmen came to participate in its action. Mr. Calhoun, 
a son of the Hon. John C. Calhoun, was chosen president 
of the convention, and presided with great fairness and 
dignity. General Roger A. Pryor, of Virginia, then in the 
full ardor of his course, in vindication of the Southern 
policy as defined by its great exponent, the late John C. 
Calhoun, was present, and made a speech of great inter- 
est. Hon. Wm. Ballard Preston, of Virginia, who had 
been Secretary of the Navy under President Taylor, was 



256 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

also present. Hon. Mark A. Cooper, Judge Lochrane, 
and other leading men were there from Georgia. 

The scene was a brilliant one ; a very large building 
had been prepared for the accommodation of the conven- 
tion. The great body of delegates represented the whole 
South ; there were visitors from distant points, and the 
seats were crowded with ladies who felt as deep an interest 
in political affairs as the friends of contending statesmen 
in England did when those of the highest rank thronged 
the hustings. 

A leading journalist from Charleston made a report 
fromi the committee appointed to review the state of the 
country, and to recommend some general action on the 
part of the Southern States in defence of the interests of 
their people. In that report he expressed extreme views, 
and represented the South as holding its place in the 
Union under subjugation to the North, and incapable of 
controlling the action of our government. 

At the conclusion of the report I rose and made a 
speech in opposition to its statements and its recommen- 
dations. I stated at full length my views of the true 
course for the South to pursue. I argued that the highest 
statesmanship was demanded at this exigency to guide 
the deliberations of the Southern people ; their honor, 
their fortunes, their destiny, were all at stake. In regard 
to slavery, the whole civilized world was against us ; we 
were protected by the Constitution, and we could feel 
to-day the spray of the dashing billows as they broke 
against those barriers that were our strong defence. I 
differed widely with gentlemen who were preparing the 
people of the South for the disruption of the Union. 

I opposed the policy of sectional agitation ; it was 
unstatesmanlike ; it was inconsistent with the principles 
of American government ; government could not be ad- 
ministered upon that theory. 

It seemed to be the aim of some gentlemen who aspired 



THE SOUTH THE PEER OF THE NORTH. 257 

to the leadership of the South, to win their laurels by- 
rousing our people into resistance to the government — 
the grandest political structure ever reared, — as the aspir- 
ing Ephesian applied the torch to the splendid temple of 
Diana to immortalize his name. 

Mr. Yancey rose to inquire if my remarks were intended 
for him. I replied that without the slightest desire to 
overlook the conspicuous place which the gentleman held 
in the public eye, I must be permitted to say, when there 
were so many distinguished representatives of the South 
present to-day, I could not be supposed to single out Mr. 
Yancey as the sole representative of the statesmen who 
were urging sectional views upon the people. 

To inflame the people of a section against the govern- 
ment would involve consequences which no man could 
foresee, and if a conflict should follow I did not know 
where to look for the Horatii to defend the gates of 
Rome against the overwhelming invasion of the Albans. 

I expressed my indignation at the idea of presenting 
the South to the civilized world in an attitude of inferi- 
ority to the North. The South might, in the spirit of 
Marmion, who in the castle of Douglas denounced that 
haughty chieftain in vehement terms when he sought to 
lower his claims to consideration as the representative of 
England, repel the charge with indignant scorn. 

It was time to uphold the South as the peer of the 
North in all that constitutes the greatness of a people, 
our true policy as well as our patriotic course was to 
regard ourselves as Americans, and uphold at home and 
abroad the great standard of the republic. 

Mr. Yancey replied to my speech with one of great 
ardor, taking extreme ground in his support of the ideas 
expressed in the report, and expressing the opinion that 
the time had come when the heart of the South should 
be fired that it might act with promptness when the 
crisis came to sever its connection with the Union, and 



258 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

organize an independent governnment for itself. He ex- 
hibited great strength in the statement of his views, and 
rose to the height of his oratorical power, impressing 
them upon the audience. He continued to speak until 
the hour of adjournment. The next day he took the 
floor and continued his argument from time to time until 
the adjournment of the convention, affording me no 
opportunity to reply to his great and impressive speech. 

The personal relations between Mr. Yancey and myself 
continued good up to the day of his death. We differed 
widely still. But identified with different parties we 
always appreciated each other. Mr. Yancey's convictions 
were deep, strong, sincere, and he had the courage of his 
convictions. It was because he believed that the safety 
of the South depended upon a vigorous assertion of its 
rights at all hazards, involving even the subversion of the 
Union, that when he addressed the people the ardor 
of his patriotism flamed up with volcanic energy and 
splendor. 

In reviewing my intercourse with public men which 
brought me into relations with a great number of them, 
sometimes in sympathy, and sometimes in antagonism, I 
recall no one who made a greater impression upon me 
than the Hon. William \,. Yancey. 

Notwithstanding the adoption of the compromise 
measures, it was observed that the question of slavery was 
still a source of political agitation at the North, while at 
the South the Democratic party was divided. The con- 
servative men of the party, who hoped still to maintain 
the relations of the South to the Union undisturbed, 
were called " Union Men," while those holding different 
views, and adhering to Mr. Calhoun's line of policy to 
maintain the right of a State to secede from the Union 
whenever its rights were infringed by the general govern- 
ment, were called " Southern-Rights Men." The Whig 
party of the South never swerved from its loyalty to the 



THE NATIONAL CONVENTIONS OF 1 852. 259 

Union ; but a large body of Whigs of the North were op- 
posed to the fugitive-slave law, and were still determined 
to prevent the extension of slavery by an act of Congress. 

Such was the state of the country when the Democratic 
National Convention met at Baltimore, June i, 1852. 
Hon. Franklin Pierce, of New Hampshire, a statesman 
who held opinions on the subject of slavery satisfactory 
to the South, was nominated for President. Hon. William 
R. King, of Alabama, one of the purest and truest states- 
men in the country, was nominated for Vice-President. 

The platform adopted by the Convention gave satisfac- 
tion to the Democratic party throughout the country. 
It declared resistance to " all attempts at renewing in 
Congress, or out of it, the agitation of the slavery ques- 
tion, under whatever shape or color the attempt may be 
made " ; and also a determination to " abide by, and 
adhere to, a faithful execution of the acts known as the 
compromise measures, settled by the last Congress, the 
act for reclaiming fugitives from service or labor included." 

The nomination for President and Vice-President made 
by the Convention was recognized at once as one of 
great strength. General Pierce had been distinguished 
during his service in the Senate for his conservative 
statesmanship, and exhibited admirable personal qualities. 
His appearance was attractive, and his manners won 
friends for him everywhere. 

Mr. King, during his long service in the Senate, had 
secured the confidence of gentlemen of all parties, and 
his fine sense and fairness made him the choice of the 
Senate as its presiding ofificer. 

The Whig Convention assembled at Baltimore, June 16, 
1852. I had been appointed a member of the Convention, 
but declined to attend its session. The Convention had 
before it for consideration the claims of Mr. Webster, 
President Fillmore, and General Scott. It continued in 
session six days, and it required fifty-three ballotings to 



26o POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

select a candidate for the presidency. On the fifty-third 
ballot General Scott received the requisite majority and 
was declared the nominee of the Whig party. 

Honorable William Graham, of North Carolina, was 
nominated for Vice-President. The platform affirmed the 
binding character of the compromise measures in these 
words : 

" That the series of acts of the Thirty-first Congress, com- 
monly known as the compromise or adjustment acts (the act for 
the recovery of fugitives from labor included), are received and 
acquiesced in by the Whig party of the United States as a final 
settlement, in principle and substance, for the subjects to which 
they relate, and so far as these acts are concerned we will main- 
tain them and insist on their strict enforcement until time and 
experience shall demonstrate the necessity of further legislation 
to guard against the evasion of the laws on the one hand and the 
abuse of their powers on the other — not impairing their present 
efficiency, but carrying out the requirements of the Constitution ; 
and Ave deprecate all further agitation of the questions just set- 
tled as dangerous to our peace, and will discountenance all 
efforts to continue or renew such agitation whenever, wherever, 
or however made ; and we will maintain this settlement as 
essential to the nationality of the Whig party and the integrity 
of the Union." 

The nomination of General Scott for the presidency 
ought to have been acceptable to the whole country. 
General Scott's splendid and important services in the 
field were recognized everywhere ; those who knew him 
personally comprehended, too, that his attainments as a 
statesman and his fine personal qualities eminently fitted 
him for the presidency. 

Mr. Graham was a gentleman of great respectability, 
whose character as a statesman had won for him the con- 
fidence of the country. But unhappily the course of a 
great number of the Northern friends of General Scott 
put him at a great disadvantage before the country and 



DEATH OF HENRY CLAY. 26 1 

deprived him of the support of the great body of Whigs 
of the South. Seventy delegates from the States of 
Maine, Connecticut, New York, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Wis- 
consin, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, and California, who had 
voted for General Scott as the candidate, voted against 
that part of the platform which affirmed the binding char- 
acter of the compromise measures. 

I decided, however, in view of all the circumstances — 
the state of the country, the importance of maintaining 
the unity of the Whig party, and with my personal rela- 
tions with General Scott, — to advocate his claims to the 
presidency, which I did with energy from time to time 
before the people. 

An event occurred in Washington which affected the 
whole country profoundly, and for a moment arrested the 
movement of parties. Henry Clay died June 29, 1852, in 
the seventy-fifth year of his age. Eulogies were pro- 
nounced at meetings held in honor of the deceased states- 
man throughout the United States. 

I was invited by the people of Montgomery to deliver 
an oration in honor of Mr. Clay. An immense concourse 
assembled, and in the presence of a number of eminent 
men of Alabama I delivered an oration, presenting the 
great events of his career and expressing my estimate of 
him as a statesman. 

The opening paragraph was as follows : 

" Pericles, in his oration over those Athenians who had first 
fallen in the Peloponnesian War, declared it to be a debt of 
justice to pay superior honors to men who had devoted their 
lives in fighting for their country. 

" What honors, then, are due to one who devoted his whole 
life to the service of his country ; who did not reserve his 
heroism for a single impetuous act of self-sacrifice, but who, in 
his early manhood, consecrated himself to the Republic ; who, 
throughout a long career, was identified with its glory ; whose 
declining days were irradiated with a sunset glow of patriotism, 



262 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

and whose heart flamed, up to the last moment of his earthly- 
existence, with the great passion of his life ? It becomes us to 
bring our noblest offerings to him who thrice saved the Repub- 
lic ; who rose above a horizon yet glowing with the expiring 
lights of the Revolution, and for half a century shed the splen- 
dor of a great intellect upon our hemisphere ; who, belonging 
to our times, is regarded with the veneration which we are ac- 
customed to pay to the illustrious men who laid the foundations 
of the government, and who, though so lately a living actor in 
the scenes of public life, is already sent to history with an im- 
perishable crown upon his brow." 

I said in conclusion : 

" In reviewing Mr. Clay's career, the wonder is that he could 
have failed to become President. The statue of Brutus left out 
of the procession will awaken inquiry as to the cause. Crom- 
well is not allowed to rank with the sovereigns of England, 
although he controlled the country as Protector, and gave the 
country the wisest and most brilliant administration which it 
ever enjoyed. Henry Clay, who has impressed his great char- 
acter upon the institutions of this country, never became its 
President. But it is perhaps well that he died without reaching 
that station. 

" His immortal words, ' I would rather be right than be 
President,' will thrill upon the hearts of the statesmen of the 
country, and animate them to a nobler aim than a mere lust 
of power. 

" They will strive to serve their country, and to bear with 
them to the grave the consciousness of deserving its honors, 
even if the laurel should never encircle their brows. 

" Mr. Clay's fame is imperishable ; no ofiice could have 
added to its towering grandeur, or have shed upon it any 
additional lustre. It was becoming that he should die, as he 
had lived, * the great commoner.' " 

Some three months later Daniel Webster died at Marsh- 
field at the age of seventy years. He was at that time 
Secretary of State in President Fillmore's Cabinet. His 



DANIEL WEBSTER'S DEATH. 263 

death made a great impression upon the nation, and its 
announcement was received with marks of respect and 
expressions of high consideration throughout the civilized 
world. The account given of the closing scenes of his 
life by those who were present is full of interest. He 
uttered words, with lips soon to be sealed in unbroken 
silence, that revealed the faith of a Christian : " But, but, 
thank God, the Gospel of Jesus Christ brought life and 
immortality to light — rescued it — brought it to light.*' 
He then began the words of the Lord's Prayer, but after 
the first sentence, feeling faint, he cried out earnestly : 
" Hold me up, I do not wish to pray with a faint voice." 
He was instantly raised a little by a movement of the 
pillows, and then repeated the whole of the prayer in clear 
and distinct tones, ending his devotions with these words : 
"And now unto God the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, 
be praise forever and forever ! Peace on earth and good- 
will to men — that is the happiness, the essence — good-zvill 
toward men." 

Public expressions of respect to the memory of Mr. 
Webster were paid in the most impressive way throughout 
the whole country. 

In an address which I delivered in Montgomery on the 
genius and character of Daniel Webster, my opening 
words were : 

" We should read the history of the rise and fall of an em- 
pire to little purpose if we failed to discover the causes which 
produced its prosperity or sapped its strength, and it would be 
an idle task to recount the events of a great life if we could 
not comprehend the elements which constituted its greatness. 

" When a great man passes away from the world, we review 
his career, we linger over the grand passages of his life — his 
adversities and his triumphs ; but, while we desire to know 
what he has performed, we are far more deeply interested in 
discerning what he has thought and what he ha.s/e/t. The ex- 
ternal life, whatever may be its splendor, interests less than the 



264 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

great soul itself. We study great historic periods not merely 
that we might trace the changing fortunes of a dynasty or the 
eventful progress of a nation, but .we seek to read in the facts 
spread out before us the philosophy which they teach. 

" We follow the hero from the battle-field and the statesman 
from the Senate-chamber that we may study the man ; we seek 
to analyze him, and to read the soul which makes him what he 
really is — which imparts to his life the heroism and the grandeur 
which the world has discovered and applauded. Nothing inter- 
ests so much as character. 

" It is our purpose this evening to exhibit, so far as we can 
in so brief a period, the character of a great statesman, who, as 
Clarendon says of the Duke of Buckingham, lately rode in the 
troubled and boisterous waters of public affairs as admiral, and 
to present the qualities which, in their grand assemblage, gave 
him his pre-eminence among the men of our times. 

" The traveller who visits the Alps feels his conceptions of 
the sublime heightened as he beholds that great mountain range 
lifting its ice-clad summits to the cloud region. The soul, ex- 
alted and ennobled, enjoys a glorious communion with Nature. 

" But when the glance is turned upon Mont Blanc, standing 
in solitary grandeur, its head crowned Avith everlasting glaciers, 
and towering above all surrounding objects, we recognize it at 
once as a monarch, peerless amid the colossal forms which 
stand about it, and unapproachable in its eternal majesty. 

" So, in exploring the civil history of our country, when the 
eye glances along the line of illustrious men who have lived and 
died in the service of the Republic, it rests upon the form of 
Daniel Webster as its grand proportions stand out before us 
against the sky of the past." 

After reviewing Mr. Webster's life, I spoke of his last 
days at Marshfield : 

" These last days were as full of solemn grandeur as the light 
streaming through the stained-glass windows of a cathedral. 
The statesman is lost sight of ; we see only the man. There 
are words uttered which disclose the deep religious sentiment 
that was an element in his nature ; Avords of trust in God ; 



HIS LAST DAYS AT MARSHFIELD. 265 

broken utterances as to his rod and his staff supporting the 
steps about to enter the valley of the shadow of death ; words 
that tell how much of poetry there was in his heart ; broken 
lines of Gray's * Elegy in a Country Churchyard ' : 

' ' ' The curfew tolls the knell of parting day ' ; 

and a solemn, final leave-taking of the loved ones of his house- 
hold. 

" Then the light faded out of those large, lustrous eyes, and 
Webster was dead. 

"Wherever the tidings spread, the flag of the country 
drooped. Men were startled in high places and in humble 
ones ; some wept ; and all who could reach Marshfield went to 
look upon the dead majesty of the nation, as it lay in the deep, 
tranquil sleep of death, under the spreading boughs of an im- 
mense tree, which had often sheltered its lord when living. 

" What a career closed there ! a career far the most brilliant 
which has been seen in this country. 

" We heard of his death as we should have received the in- 
telligence of a national calamity. 

" The shock was like that we should experience if we stood 
by and witnessed the fall of a castle, from whose battlements 
banners had been flung out, and through whose embrasures 
artillery had thundered, and at whose base the proudest arma- 
ments had perished. 

"His last days exhibited all the serene grandeur of his 
nature. His soul, turning away from the world and its objects, 
fixed its gaze upon the illimitable future, which spread before 
it like a shoreless ocean, upon whose tranquil waters the star of 
Bethlehem threw its tremulous and unearthly lustre. 

" His hand recorded his clear and emphatic confession of 
faith in the Redeemer and in the divine inspiration of the 
Gospel. 

" Those last days — what a glory streams through them — glory 
not without its shadows ! 

" The last hours of the life of the dying statesman resembled 
a gorgeous sunset ; not the going down of a tropical sun in un- 
clouded splendor, but the sun sinking behind the Alps, kindling 



266 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

upon every mountain peak a blaze of glory, and pouring a 
flood of golden light upon the clouds which hung their solemn 
drapery about his dying couch." 

General Scott's defeat had been foreshadowed. At the 
election which occurred November 2, 1852, the Demo- 
cratic candidates, Pierce and King, were elected by a 
great majority. They carried twenty-seven States, which 
gave two hundred and five electoral votes. Scott and 
Graham, the Whig candidates, carried the States of Ver- 
mont, Massachusetts, Kentucky, and Tennessee, which 
gave them forty-two electoral votes. 

The administration of President Pierce was satisfactory 
to the country generally, and was warmly supported by 
the South. In its course two events of national import- 
ance occurred. 

Upon the settlement of a boundar)^ dispute with Mexico 
concerning a tract of land bordering on New Mexico and 
comprising 45,535 square miles, the United States ac- 
quired the disputed territory by purchase. The territory 
acquired by the negotiation comprised part of Arizona 
and New Mexico. 

In January, 1854, Mr. Douglas, chairman of the Com- 
mittee on Territories, reported to the Senate a bill for the 
organization of Kansas and Nebraska, two Territories in 
the region west of Missouri and north of latitude 36°3o'. 

By this bill the Missouri Compromise Act of 1820 was 
repealed, and slavery was' relieved from the last restric- 
tion ; henceforth it was to be admitted wherever those 
who controlled it thought it could be profitably em- 
ployed. 

Whatever may be thought of the merits of the Missouri 
Compromise Act, which had so long been recognized as 
an adjustment of a great controversy, its repeal was to the 
last degree impolitic. In the Senate a great debate pre- 
ceded the adoption of the measure, in which Chase of 



REPEAL OF THE MISSOURI COMPROMISE ACT. 267 

Ohio, Everett and Sumner of Massachusetts, Seward of 
New York, Fessenden of Maine, and even Southern men 
— Houston of Texas and Bell of Tennessee — vigorously 
opposed it. But it was finally carried by a vote of nearly 
two to one ; the whole influence of the administration 
having been given to its support. In the House it was 
strenuously opposed, and Mr. Benton, of Missouri, who 
then held a seat as a representative from that State, was 
conspicuous in the leadership of those who sought to 
defeat the measure ; but it passed the House. It became 
a law on the last day of May. It is impossible to over- 
state the excitement, rising into indignation, that was 
aroused in the non-slaveholding States by the repeal of 
the Missouri Compromise Act. It was the breaking down 
of a great barrier, against which sectional feeling and 
party passion had so long beat in vain. 

The Free-Soil party assumed great proportions, and 
took the name of Republican — a name destined to at- 
tract to it great numbers of men who had hitherto refused 
to take part in an organization against slavery. This party 
drew to it a large following from the Whigs of the North, 
and it obtained a considerable accession from the Demo- 
cratic party. 

For the first time in the history of the country a power- 
ful party appeared in the field, declaring its hostility to an 
institution existing in the Southern States, which was so 
formidable as to threaten the existence of the government. 




CHAPTER XXIV. 

Political Movements in i856^American National Convention, February 22d 
— Democratic National Convention, June 2d — Republican National Con- 
vention, June 17th — Canvass for Mr. Fillmore — Reception at Huntsville 
— Debates with Hon. L. P. Walker — Speech at Huntsville — Mass- 
Meeting at Atlanta — Hon. B. H. Hill — Presidential Election — Presi- 
dent Buchanan's Administration — Oration at the University of Virginia 
Commencement, 1859 — Hon. William C. Preston. 

Events occurred in 1856 which disclosed the purpose of 
political leaders to conduct a canvass for the presidency 
of unprecedented activity and energy. 

The disastrous defeat of General Scott convinced the 
leaders of the Whig party that the people would not en- 
trust the government to their hands. 

In the non-slaveholding States the Republican party 
had already received large accessions from the Whigs, 
who were hostile to the adjustment of the slavery ques- 
tion which had been adopted in Congress. It was believed 
by the friends of the Whig party that it could no longer 
achieve national triumphs under its honored standard, 
and they were unwilling to display it in the field where 
it would be upheld only by a few loyal supporters, proud 
of its traditions. 

Those who were still national in sentiment, and were 
not in sympathy with the anti-slavery feelings of the North, 
and condemned its sectional policy, entered a new organi- 
zation, called the American party, which soon grew into 
great proportions, and became formidable in its political 
movements, 

268 



THE AMERICAN PARTY. 269 

The Democratic party maintained its organization, and 
presented a steady front in support of the compromise 
measures throughout the country. 

The American party held a National Convention at 
Philadelphia, February 22d ; and after adopting a platform 
virtually recognizing the principles of the Kansas-Nebraska 
Act, and approving the fugitive-slave law, nominated 
Millard Fillmore for President, and Andrew J. Donelson 
of Tennessee, for Vice-President. It was the hope of the 
Convention that the well-known statesmanship of Mr. 
Fillmore, and the confidence which was felt throughout 
the United States in his integrity, would draw to his sup- 
port large numbers from other organizations. The close 
relationship of Mr. Donelson to General Andrew Jackson, 
suggested his nomination for the vice-presidency, and it 
was believed that his name would give great strength to 
the ticket. Holding its convention on the 22d of Febru- 
ary, the anniversary of Washington's birthday, it was 
believed would revive memories that would strengthen 
the national sentiment throughout the country, and help 
the new party to rally to its standard many old Whigs. 

The Democratic National Convention met at Cincinnati, 
on the 2d of June, and proceeded at once to reaffirm the 
platform which it had adopted in 1852, with the addition 
of resolutions condemning the principles of the American 
party, recognizing the Kansas-Nebraska Act, including 
the repeal of the Missouri compromise line as the only 
safe solution of the slavery question, and affirming the 
duty of upholding the rights of the States, and of main- 
taining the Union. It also expressed its approval of the 
doctrines of the Ostend circular, which looked to the 
acquisition of Cuba from Spain. James Buchanan, of 
Pennsylvania, was nominated for President, and John C. 
Breckenridge, of Kentucky, for Vice-President. No names 
in the ranks of the Democratic party could have been se- 
lected that would have found more favor with the people. 



270 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

Mr. Buchanan, in his long career, had earned a great rep- 
utation as a statesman of a high order. He was recog- 
nized as a link between the really great men of a period 
just gone by, and those of the present time. Mr. Breck- 
enridge had won a splendid reputation in his brief 
service in the House of Representatives ; he had been 
offered the mission to Spain by President Pierce, but 
declined it. This great party displayed statesmanship 
and patriotism in the policy which it announced to the 
people of the United States, when it sent its candidates 
for the presidency and vice-presidency to the field. 

The Republican National Convention met in Philadel- 
phia, June 17th, and adopted a platform declaring : " The 
maintenance of the principles promulgated in the Declara- 
tion of Independence, and embodied in the federal Con- 
stitution, the rights of the States, and the union of the 
States shall be preserved "; and that " the Constitution 
confers upon Congress sovereign power over the Terri- 
tories of the United States for their government, and in 
the exercise of this power it is the right and the duty of 
Congress to prohibit in the Territories those twin relics of 
barbarism — polygamy and slavery." After this declaration 
of its principles the Convention proceeded to ballot for a 
candidate for the presidency, and General John C. Fre- 
mont, of California, was nominated. Hon. William L. 
Dayton, of New Jersey, was nominated for Vice-Presi- 
dent. General Fremont had been distinguished for his 
enterprise, and really rendered important service to the 
country in his explorations in the West. Mr. Dayton was 
a senator from New Jersey, distinguished for his abilities 
and high character. 

Such was the aspect of the political field in the summer 
of 1856. All the parties were active in the canvass that 
followed. Throughout the whole country great energy 
was displayed by political leaders. 

I entered into the canvass for Mr. Fillmore with energy. 



RECEP TION AT HUNTS VILLE. 2 7 1 

I recognized him as a Whig, trusted and honored, and I 
felt bound by the traditions of the great party which we 
both had served previously, to present him to the people, 
as entitled to their confidence and consideration. 

I had never made a political speech in North Alabama, 
and I had intended, when the appropriate time came, to 
visit that part of the State. There is a beautiful valley 
extending from Huntsville to Florence, occupied by a 
people of the highest order ; planters of wealth, culture, 
and hospitality, who gave their support to the Democratic 
party. I published a notice of several appointments, 
extending from Huntsville to Florence, and invited the 
Honorable L. P. Walker, who was on the Buchanan 
electoral ticket, to meet me in debate. I was to deliver 
my first speech in Florence, but in proceeding to that 
place I took the railway for Huntsville. 

Upon my arrival at Huntsville I was surprised to be 
met at the station by a number of gentlemen of both 
political parties, who gave me a generous welcome. 
Governor Chapman, with whom I had served in Congress, 
with other leaders of the Democratic party met me at 
the station, and received me as the guest of the city. 
Governor Chapman was an ardent friend of Mr. Buchanan, 
and a man of intellect and character, and of generous 
views. A carriage was drawn up at the station to receive 
Mrs. Hilliard, who accompanied me, and myself; a grace- 
ful recognition of me and my public services was made ; 
I observed that the harness of the horses was decorated 
with small flags. Some of the gentlemen who had met 
me accompanied us to the residence of a citizen of 
Huntsville, who received us cordially, and entertained us 
during our stay with hospitality distinguished for its 
elegance. 

The next day I proceeded to Florence, where I was to 
open the discussion. General Walker was well known 
for his abilities and for his attainments, and it was under- 



272 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

stood that he was formidable and unsparing in a political 
discussion. In the course of our first debate I observed 
some disposition on the part of my distinguished 
opponent to exhibit the qualities which had been attrib- 
uted to him ; and I took occasion promptly to say that 
if the gentleman supposed that I could be taken at a dis- 
advantage because I appeared for the first time in the 
presence of those who were assembled to hear us, he 
would discover that his course was as impolitic as it was 
ungenerous, and that he would encounter a signal defeat. 
General Walker immediately rose, and in the most courte- 
ous terms disclaimed any purpose on his part to conduct 
the discussion in any other than in the most friendly way, 
expressing at the same time his great personal regard for 
myself. 

From that time we addressed the people at the several 
places at which we touched, and we were heard with 
interest by the friends of both parties. 

The day before we were to meet in Huntsville, which 
was General Walker's residence, he came to me and said 
that as I was to have but one opportunity to address the 
people there, he desired that I should have the amplest 
time to present my views, and that he would not speak. 
Assuring him of my appreciation of his courtesy, I 
accepted his ofTer. 

The next day, when I rose to address the people of 
Huntsville, I was impressed by the appearance of the 
audience : gentlemen of both political parties, ladies in 
great numbers, eminent men, political leaders, were 
before me. It was a typical Southern assemblage ; 
wealth, culture, and elegance greeted my sight on every 
side. On my right sat ex-Senator Clemens, a brilliant 
and distinguished statesman, whose powerful eloquence 
had often electrified audiences at home and in the Senate. 

I delivered a speech entirely national. I presented the 
claims of the great statesman, in -w^hose cause I spoke, in 



SPEECH ADVOCATING MR. FILLMORE. 2/3 

terms which I felt confident would win for him generous 
consideration. On no occasion of my life had I been 
more conscious of that spirit of free speech which every 
man has felt who has been in the habit of addressing 
great audiences, than I was on that day. 

Huntsville is in the midst of magnificent scenery, and 
in the course of my speech I said it sometimes happened 
that a great man was not fully understood ; the exhibi- 
tions which he made from time to time were imperfectly 
seen, and that Mr. Fillm.ore, to be appreciated, must be 
seen in his fullest proportions; just as sometimes, when 
looking out upon the landscape which surrounds this 
beautiful place, a morning mist shuts out the loftiest 
peak of a mountain, leaving only its base visible, but 
when the sun advances in his course and the cloud is 
lifted, revealing its entire height, it then impresses us 
with its grandeur and majesty. I proceeded to say that 
Mr. Fillmore, born in the great State of New York, 
was a statesman of broad, national views, of exalted 
character, and of great intellectual power. I was not 
here to eulogize him, but to present him to these 
Southern people in his true proportions, and to appeal 
for him to their support — a support to which he was 
entitled by his personal qualities, and the services which 
he had rendered to the whole country. 

At the conclusion of my speech I was greeted on all 
sides with great generosity and warmth. 

In taking leave of that beautiful country which I had 
just visited I was deeply impressed by the high qualities 
of the people who resided there — hospitable, of high cul- 
ture, distinguished for elegance. I bore with me a picture 
of rare beauty, which will never be effaced from my memory. 

I had been invited to be present at a mass-meeting to 
be held in Atlanta by the friends of Mr. Fillmore, where 
I was to meet a number of distinguished statesmen of 
Georgia. 



274 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

When I arrived in the city I was met by Hon. B. H. 
Overby and became his guest during my stay in the city. 

A great number of the people of Georgia had assembled 
to hear political addresses, which it was understood were 
to be delivered by several gentlemen. As I ascended the 
platform I was met by Hon. Benjamin H. Hill, a gen- 
tleman known to me personally, who was in full sympathy 
with my views ; but I had never heard him address the 
people. I took a seat by his side and had a few moments* 
conversation with him while preparations were being made. 

I was greatly impressed by him, and saw that he was 
full of grand qualities — qualities which afterwards be- 
came so well known to the people of Georgia and of the 
United States as to give him the highest rank as a states- 
man. 

Looking out above the great mass of the people before 
us I was exhilarated by the spectacle ; it was such an 
assemblage as was seen from time to time in those days 
in Georgia, when her noble, true, generous, patriotic 
people assembled on political occasions. 

It was arranged that I was to deliver the first address 
to the people, and as I rose and advanced to the front of 
the platform I was greeted with such cheers as assured me 
that I had an audience already in sympathy with me. As 
I proceeded in my speech, which was national and in that 
tone so well known to the Whigs of the country, exhibit- 
ing the objects of the organization which had brought out 
Mr. Fillmore as a candidate for the presidency, I was en- 
couraged by the enthusiastic applause which broke forth 
from time to time. At the conclusion of my address the 
whole assemblage rose to their feet and cheered me with 
unsurpassed ardor. 

Mr. Hill then advanced to deliver his address, and was 
received with demonstrations of popular favor, which 
showed how great his sway was at that time over the 
hearts of the people of Georgia. 



PESULTS OF THE ELECTION. 275 

His magnificent speech brought out from time to time 
enthusiastic cheers ; and as I listened to him I compre- 
hended the wealth, power, and grandeur of the nature of 
this great statesman. 

His speech was remarkable for its beauty — ornate, com- 
prehensive, eloquent, and powerful. 

In the evening other speeches were made by gentlemen 
from different parts of the State, and the success of the 
meeting was great, awakening an ardor in the support of 
Mr. Fillmore as a candidate for the presidency that had 
not existed before. 

As the canvass advanced it became plain that the 
American party could not hope for success. 

Mr. Buchanan led in the race, and drew to his support 
the conservative men of the country. 

The Republican party developed much strength. It 
rallied the anti-slavery men of the North to its standard, 
and the friends of the Constitution saw that the threatening 
aspect of a sectional party foreshadowed danger for the 
institutions of the South. 

Buchanan and Breckenridge were elected, receiving 
one hundred and seventy-four electoral votes. 

Fremont and Dayton received one hundred and fourteen 
votes ; demonstrating the growing hostility of the party 
organized solely for the exclusion of slavery by national 
legislation from all the territory of the United States 
where it did not already exist. 

Mr. Fillmore received only eight votes. Maryland 
alone stood for the candidate who had done so much to 
protect the interests of the South in the adjustment of 
the great struggle which led to the adoption of the com- 
promise measures. 

Mr. Buchanan's Cabinet was composed of statesmen of 
ability, chosen from the great sections of the Union. 

Honorable Lewis Cass was called to the Department of 
State, and his eminent fitness for the place was recognized 



276 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

by the people of the whole country. His attainments, his 
long public service, his character, his comprehensive 
patriotism, — all entitled him to confidence. 

Honorable Howell Cobb, of Georgia, was appointed Sec- 
retary of the Treasury. He had served with destinction in 
Congress, and as Speaker in the House of Representatives 
he had displayed great abilities and admirable fairness. 

Honorable John B. Floyd, of Virginia, a gentleman of 
fine reputation, and a graduate of the South Carolina 
College, took charge of the War Department. 

Honorable Isaac Toucey, of Connecticut, was appointed 
Secretary of the Navy, a place which he filled efficiently 
and honorably. 

Honorable Jacob Thompson, of Mississippi, who had 
acquired distinction in the House of Representatives, was 
appointed Secretary of the Interior. 

Honorable A. V. Brown, of Tennessee, who had filled 
creditably several oflficial positions, was made Postmaster- 
General. 

Honorable Jeremiah Black, of Pennsylvania, whose 
great abilities had gained for him an eminent place at the 
bar, was appointed Attorney-General. 

Mr. Buchanan's views of the state of the country, 
frankly stated in his inaugural address, were very satis- 
factory to the conservative men of the country ; and it 
seemed to me that the South should sustain his adminis- 
tration. The formidable display of strength by the anti- 
slavery party of the North made it plain that the interests 
of the Southern people demanded that any differences of 
sentiment as to other questions should be subordinated to 
resistance to this threatened aggression upon their rights. 
I took an early occasion to make my views known, but 
the currents of party feeling ran with too much strength 
at that time to enable me to control them. Subsequent 
events clearly vindicated me, and made it plain that we 
must present an unbroken front against the powerful or- 



COMMENCEMENT ADDRESS. 277 

ganization that, disregarding the provisions of the Consti- 
tution and the rights of the South, threatened to come 
down upon us with overwhelming force. 

The slavery controversy still disturbed the deliberations 
of Congress, and the legislatures of several of the North- 
ern States, yielding to the pressure of public opinion in 
opposition to the justice and constitutionality of the 
fugitive-slave law, passed acts, designed to impede its 
operation, and to secure to alleged fugitives the right to 
trial by jury, and to the legal assistance usually given to 
those charged with criminal offences. These acts were 
called personal-liberty laws, and found great favor with 
anti-slavery people. 

In the midst of these great disturbances Mr. Buchanan 
bore himself well in the discharge of the duties of his 
great office, looking to the light shed upon these ques- 
tions by the Constitution for guidance, and continued to 
conduct his administration, hoping to see a vindication of j 
his patriotic statesmanship in good time. —^....^'~~' 

In the summer of 1859 ^ received an invitation to de- 
liver the annual address at the commencement of the 
University of Virginia, and I decided to accept it. The 
occasion was a brilliant one. I saw Charlottesville for the 
first time with its impressive scenery, associated with his- 
toric events, and awakening recollections that roused me. 

Monticello, Mr. Jefferson's residence, was at hand, and 
everything surrounding the university seemed to have 
been touched and formed by the power of his creative 
hand. 

The chapel was magnificent ; its external form was clas- 
sical, and its interior constructed with the finest taste. 

Some days before my arrival I received a letter from 
Honorable William C. Preston of South Carolina, who 
was passing the summer at Charlottesville, in which he 
urged me to keep my engagement, saying to me : " This 
great institution fills my imagination." 



278 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

As I entered the chapel on the day appointed for the 
delivery of my oration, I observed that I was surrounded 
by a large and brilliant audience. Behind the stage, and 
covering the back part of it, was a copy of the great 
picture, " The School of Athens." 

I had selected as a subject for my address " The Spirit 
of Liberty," and everything about me animated me to 
the greatest ardor in performing my task. 

The opening paragraphs were : 

" Upon the invasion of Greece by Xerxes, who poured his 
countless hosts into Europe that he might subject the only free 
people on the globe, the Athenians, finding it impossible to de- 
fend their state against a combined attack on the land and on 
the sea, resolved, by the advice of Themistocles, to abandon to 
the Persian rage their villages, their territory, their walls, their 
city itself, with the revered tombs of their ancestors ; and 
to transport their wives and children and aged parents to the 
isles of Salamis and .^gina and to the opposite Argolic coast ; 
those who were capable of bearing arms embarked on board 
the fleets stationed at Salamis, and prepared to meet the 
powerful Persian armament. Embarking with haste they left 
behind them their household furniture, their statues, their 
pictures, and in general the most valuable part of their prop- 
erty, willing to relinquish all for the sake of their country, 
which, in the language of Alcseus, they knew consisted not in 
their houses, their lands, and effects, but in that equal constitu- 
tion of government which they had received from their ances- 
tors, and which it was their duty to transmit unimpaired to 
posterity. Splendid as Athenian history had been up to that 
hour, that single act transcended in true patriotism and glory 
all their previous achievements ; and it was as wise as it was 
illustrious. The subsequent naval action resulted in the com- 
plete, overwhelming, and disastrous defeat of their enemy ; 
while they returned to their natal shore, now dearer to them 
than ever, to enjoy the benefits of that constitutional govern- 
ment which they had rescued from the sword of the invader. 
Europe and Asia met in conflict ; the free and the despotic 



THE SPIRIT OF LIBERTY. 2/9 

systems of the world encountered each other, and the former 
triumphed. 

" Well does Themistocles deserve that noble tomb which his 
countrymen constructed for him upon the rocks above the 
promontory overlooking the sea, where the first object that 
saluted the eye of the Athenian as he approached his native 
shore might remind him of the hero, and the glory which he 
had shed upon his country — 

■ ' ' When shall such hero live again ? ' 

" What impelled the Athenians to that sublime act of patri- 
otic sacrifice ? They might have remained at home, have bent 
their necks to the Persian yoke, and enjoyed, perhaps, increased 
luxury ; but the recollection of their ancient glory, which they 
could not leave to see eclipsed, and their love of freedom, made 
them disdain even golden fetters. They were prompted by the 
spirit of liberty, — that spirit which loved to dwell in the 
mountains of Greece, and which has made that fair clime a 
shrine of the mighty, where the halo of departed glory still 
lingers, — that spirit which, all over the world, wherever it has 
made its abode, has kindled in the hearts of men its quenchless 
fires. 

" Standing upon this spot, looking upon these mountains and 
these skies, I need offer no apology for making that spirit to-day 
the subject of discourse. It is a fit subject for the place and 
the age. . . . Liberty must be protected by well defined 
principles. Popular rights must depend not on the good 
disposition of the ruler, but be guarded by fundamental laws 
which define them ; the boundaries between liberty and power 
must be clearly traced, and along the frontier of human rights 
barriers must be set up which tyranny cannot pass over. No 
political system is a good one which does not confer upon its 
people both actual freedom and provide for their protection 
against the encroachments of power. The present and the 
future claim alike the protection of constitutional law. The 
Barons of England comprehended this when they ranged them- 
selves at Runnymede against regal power and wrested from King 
John the great charter, written and sealed, a charter which, in 



28o POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

the language of Lord Lyttleton, did not grant any new rights 
to the people but asserted their ancient privileges in terms so 
clear and emphatic that the people of the realm could demand 
them and defend them ; a charter which protected every indi- 
vidual of the nation in the free enjoyments of his life, his 
liberty, and his property, unless declared to be forfeited by the 
judgment of his peers or the law of the land. But the noblest 
achievement of the true spirit of liberty and the proudest tri- 
umph of regenerated humanity is seen in the Constitution of 
the United States. ... A pure democracy, wherever it has 
displayed itself, whether in ancient states or in modern times, 
whether under the skies of Greece or upon the soil of France, 
teaches impressive lessons. History records the crimes com- 
mitted in the former, and the dread drama of the French Revo- 
lution has hardly yet closed ; we can almost hear the tread of 
the infuriated populace in the streets of Paris, and the voice 
of maddened thousands uttering the Marseillaise has not yet 
ceased to peal upon our ears. Licentiousness is not liberty ; 
a crown in the dust — a broken sceptre and a shattered throne 
do not ensure freedom. Liberty and law dwell together. The 
noblest freedom which can be enjoyed is to be found amongst 
a people who, while they demand protection against aggression, 
respect the authority which they have themselves established. 

" Our Constitution protects by the very stringency of its lines ; 
it confers power, but it decrees its boundaries ; it grants au- 
thority, but it limits it to its true sphere ; it wheels the chariot 
of the sun through the open heavens, but holds the coursers in 
check by a strong hand. The fountain of all authority is with 
the people, but they do not administer the government. The 
sword is in the hands of the magistrate ; and all must obey. . . . 
We blend the advantages of a local domestic jurisdiction with 
the authority of a national power ; a system which, in the 
opinion of Montesquieu, possesses the internal advantage of 
a republican, together with the external force of a monarchical, 
government. A confederacy made up of republics, united 
under a common government of limited powers, clothed with 
authority to control its external affairs, and leaving to each 
State the entire management of its domestic interests, is capa- 



THE CONFEDERATED STATES. 28 1 

ble of vast expansion. It may embrace within its ample com- 
pass States differing widely in soil and climate, and inhabitants 
engaged in every variety of pursuits, and possessing the greatest 
diversity of social systems, agriculture, the mechanic arts, free 
labor, slave labor, commerce ; all may flourish within it by a 
faithful adherence to the organic law, which grants and limits 
the federal power. . . . The South is to-day the weaker sec- 
tion of the confederacy ; the populous North is still growing 
in numbers ; the tide of immigration setting in upon the West 
is filling its plains, and building up great cities in the wilder- 
ness, all this the South sees, and she witnesses with satisfaction 
these signs of prosperity outside of her own limits ; but as the 
numerical strength of other parts of the Union increases, she 
rouses herself to a prouder attitude, in asserting her rights ; 
and she insists more earnestly than ever upon a rigid adher- 
ence to the organic law of these confederated States. She 
sees a powerful party organized against her institutions, she 
cannot be insensible to her danger, but she stands erect and 
undismayed ; confident yet in the patriotic inspirations of the 
American people, but more confident still in her own self- 
respect and courage. Against fanaticism she appeals to the 
spirit of liberty, that spirit which, rebuking the madness of 
lawless violence, spreads in our defence the zegis of the Con- 
stitution, a shield ample enough for the protection of all our 
rights. . . . 

" The domestic institutions of the South are denounced, her 
property is threatened, an effort is made to turn the sentiment 
of the country against her system of labor, and to bring it 
under the ban of the government, and the legitimate objects 
of statesmanship are overlooked. When a higher law than the 
Constitution is invoked on one side, it is not to be wondered 
at that revolution is foreshadowed on the other. When it is 
deliberately announced that the confederacy blends two antag- 
onistical systems of civilization, and that the one or the other 
must give way, it must be expected that those against whom 
this crusade is projected, will put themselves in an attitude to 
repel it. All this must cease, and the country must be rescued 
from this boundless agitation. Our statesmen must come up 



282 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

to the standard, which the state of the country demands. The 
rivalry of geographical sections will then become a generous 
rivalry. New England may boast of her varied civilization, 
and thriving industry ; she may glory in the sufferings and 
virtues of the Pilgrim fathers, and gathering her sons at 
Plymouth Rock recall the Mayflower with its precious freight, 
but the South will revisit the ruins of Jamestown, and cherish 
the memory of that noble band, who, in the face of every dis- 
couragement and danger, first planted a stable colony upon 
this virgin land ; rejoicing in her exhaustless resources, and 
the stability and prosperity of her domestic institutions, she 
will contribute her full share to the power and glory of the 
Republic. 

"The North may rejoice in the eloquence of her living sons, 
and send us her Everett, who is winning immortality by his 
splendid tribute to the memory of the father of his country ; 
as Isocrates earned his by the panegyric upon Athens ; and 
the South will place by his side the form of her own Preston, 
whose fame culminated in the Senate, and still sheds its serene 
glory upon us. 

" The North may raise monuments over the ashes of her dead 
heroes and statesmen ; Warren's form she may perpetuate in 
marble, and visit the tomb of Webster at Marshfield, where the 
sea rolls its sublime dirge, as if it lamented the departed states- 
man. In the same spirit the South will honor her illustrious 
dead, their forms shall adorn her venerated places, and call- 
ing around her all her sons she will lead them to the banks 
of the Potomac, where the foremost man of all the world rests, 
and gathering annually fresh garlands will heap them upon 
the tomb which bears the name of Washington. . . ." 

I met Mr. Preston at dinner, and enjoyed a conversa- 
tion w^ith him which brought out memories and rekindled 
sympathies covering the years that had intervened since 
our last meeting ; his broken health had not impaired the 
vigor of his intellect, nor dimmed the splendor of those 
faculties which gave such a charm to his conversation. I 
had for some time read law in his ofifice in Columbia, and 



WILLIAM C. PRESTON. 283 

he contributed much to the accomplishment of the aspi- 
rations awakened under his generous instructions. 

In the evening we entered a carriage where two of the 
ladies of Mrs. Carrington's family, nearly related to him, 
were seated. Our road led us through the glorious moun- 
tain scenery which surrounds Charlottesville ; we came to 
a turn in the road which displayed a landscape of uncom- 
mon loveliness, in which earth and sky were blended, and 
he uttered, in tones which revealed the depths of his emo- 
tions, the lines of Beattie : 

" A warbling woodland, the resounding shore ; 
The pomp of groves, the garniture of fields ; 
All that the genial ray of morning gilds, 
And all that echoes to the song of even ; 
All that the mountain's sheltering bosom shields. 
And all the dread magnificence of heaven." 

Never in the storms of political life, never amidst the 
vexations of every-day life did I know him to be other 
than generous, noble, and true ; never bringing down the 
unsullied purity of a grand and elevated nature, to the 
dust and defilement of the meaner ways of life. The 
smaller objects of ambition never lured him. He was not 
one upon whom office could confer dignity ; he felt that 
in private life he was as exalted as when he sat a senator 
in the midst of that splendid constellation of great men 
who were his contemporaries. 

I was at one time authorized by a President of the 
United States, with whom my relations were intimate 
and confidential, to offer him the mission to France ; he 
promptly declined it, in sucl\ terms too as even to 
heighten my respect for him ; and Mrs. Preston, that 
beautiful and noble woman, who was present, acquiesced 
perfectly in his decision, stating her objections to the 
proffered post with matchless grace, and basing them 
mainly upon Christian principle. The crowning glory of 
his life was the pure, humble, yet fervent faith in the Son 



284 



POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 



of God, which those who knew him well could so clearly 
discern in him. This threw an indescribable brightness 
over his last years, as the summer sun sometimes gilds 
with his level rays the summit of a great mountain, upon 
whose side a shadow already rests, almost shutting from 
view its glories of rock and verdure, while in that last 
lingering smile of a departing day, the foliage which 
crowns that summit, blazes with undiminished lustre to 
the last. 

In taking leave of Mr. Preston, I had hoped to meet 
him the next year at his home in Columbia, but I never 
met him again. 




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CHAPTER XXV. 

Political Events of i860 — Democratic National Convention at Charleston ; 
at Baltimore — Democratic National Convention at Richmond ; at Bal- 
timore — Constitutional Union Convention at Baltimore — Republican 
National Convention at Chicago — Canvass — Great Meeting in Cooper 
Institute, New York — Speech in Faneuil Hall, Boston — Edward Ev- 
erett — Speech at Utica — Governor Seymour — Speech at Buffalo — Mr. 
Fillmore — Presidential Election, November 6th — Abraham Lincoln. 

The political agitation throughout the United States 
rose to a great height. As the time approached for 
bringing out candidates for the presidency, the anti- 
slavery sentiment of the North became still more intol- 
erant, and in popular meetings, resolutions proposing 
aggressive measures against the South were adopted. 

The Democratic National Convention met at Charles- 
ton, April 23, i860. It was largely attended ; delegates 
from the whole country took their seats, a number of 
them being men of distinction and great influence. Hon- 
orable Josiah Randall of Philadelphia, formerly an ardent 
and influential Whig leader, was present as a representa- 
tive of the Democratic party of his State. Senator Pugh, 
of Ohio, was a conspicuous member of the body. Caleb. 
Cushing, a great lawyer and an eminent statesman, was 
elected President of the Convention. 

Honorable William L. Yancey was one of the delegates 
from Alabama, and attracted from the first marked atten- 
tion ; his pronounced opinions and vehement utterances 
against the North were well known. Soon after the or- 

285 



286 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

ganization of the Convention, a controversy arose on the 
subject of slavery. A great debate took place, in which 
a number of distinguished men took part, and when Mr. 
Yancey took his place on the platform the greatest inter- 
est prevailed throughout the body. He delivered one of 
his great speeches : he described the state of political 
affairs at the North, and at the South ; he dwelt at length 
upon the growing anti-slavery sentiment in the non-slave- 
holding States, and denounced the leaders who sought to 
organize a powerful sectional party which threatened to 
disregard the Constitution and to subvert the Union by 
its lawless measures. He then presented the South, exhib- 
iting the States dwelling side by side in perfect harmony, 
respecting the Constitution, and entering into no combi- 
nation against any section of the Union ; he spoke in 
■^^ exalted terms of the Southern people, their culture, their 

high tone, the purity of society that constituted a picture 
of civilization far transcending that to be found elsewhere ; 
he represented the South as it then existed, in all its 
splendor and wealth and glory, its scholars, its orators, 
its statesmen, its women, — all adorning the section and 
imparting to it a matchless charm. All who heard him 
were moved by his eloquence, and every Southern man 
rejoiced more than ever before, in the fact that he was de- 
scended from a lineage so high, and that he lived in the 
midst of a people unrivalled for their great qualities. 

Mr. Yancey's speech was one of the greatest of his life, 
and roused into enthusiasm all who were in sympathy 
with his sentiments, at the same time it impressed deeply 
those representing other sections of the Union. 

I was present at the time, not being a member of the 
Convention, but having gone to Charleston to witness its 
proceedings, and I observed the efifect made by the speech 
of the eminent man who lived and breathed for the South. 

It was understood that Mr. Yancey was to be followed 
by Senator Pugh of Ohio as a representative man of his 



SENATOR PUGH OF OHIO. 28/ 

section. He had won a high reputation by his brilHant 
speeches, and was distinguished for his abihty and his 
attainments ; when he stood upon the platform to address 
the audience he was greeted with cheers, and the repre- 
sentatives of the North felt that in that hour they needed 
a strong man to uphold their cause. 

Mr. Pugh's speech was able, statesmanlike, warm, 
national, and fair ; he made a great impression upon the 
Convention, and accomplished the task which he had 
undertaken ; he rallied his party to the support of national 
ideas, and to the defeat of any resolution sectional In its 
tone, and proposing measures which would not be sup- 
ported by the great body of the Democratic party. At 
the close of a protracted debate the Convention, on April 
30th, adopted a platform satisfactory to the national men 
of the party. The section embodying the views of the 
Convention in regard to the slavery question was in these 
words : 

" Inasmuch as differences of opinion exist in the Democratic 
party as to the nature and extent of the powers of territorial 
legislatures, and as to the powers and duties of Congress, 
under the Constitution of the United States, over the institution 
of slavery within the Territories ; Resolved that the Demo- 
cratic party will abide by the decisions of the Supreme Court 
of the United States on the questions of constitutional law." 

The platform was adopted by a vote of 165 to 138, and 
immediately the delegates from the South who held 
extreme views in regard to the question disposed of by 
this vote withdrew from the Convention. So large a num- 
ber of the Southern delegates having withdrawn it was 
decided after full consideration, on May 3d, that the Con- 
vention should adjourn to meet at Baltimore on June 
1 8th. Previous to the adjournment a resolution was 
adopted recommending that the vacant seats be filled 
prior to that date. 



288 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

The delegates seceding held a meeting, and adopted a 
platform which expressed their views clearly, and ad- 
journed, after calling the Convention to assemble at Rich- 
mond on June i ith. The part of the platform relating to 
the slavery question was as follows : 

" That the government of a Territory organized by an act 
of Congress is provisional and temporary ; and during its 
existence all citizens of the United States have an equal right 
to settle with their property in the Territory, without their 
rights either of person or property being destroyed or impaired 
by congressional or territorial legislation. That it is the duty 
of the Federal Government, in all its departments, to protect 
when necessary the rights of persons and property in the Ter- 
ritories, and wherever else its constitutional authority extends. 
That when settlers in a Territory, having an adequate popula- 
tion, form a State constitution, the right of sovereignty com- 
mences, being consummated by admission into the Union ; 
they stand on an equal footing with people of other States, 
and the State thus organized should be admitted into the 
Federal Union whether its constitution prohibits or recognizes 
the institution of slavery." 

The Convention which had assembled at Charleston, 
and from which a large number of delegates had with- 
drawn, assembled in Baltimore in accordance with its 
resolution of adjournment, and resumed its deliberations. 
After some time spent in discussion they proceeded to 
ballot for a candidate for the presidency ; and Honorable 
Stephen A. Douglas of Illinois was nominated ; Hon. 
Benjamin Fitzpatrick of Alabama was nominated for 
Vice-President. 

Before the ballotings were ended a further withdrawal 
of delegates took place. Mr. Fitzpatrick subsequently 
declined to accept the nomination for Vice-President, and 
Honorable Herschel V. Johnson of Georgia was nominated 
for that office. 



THE CONSTITUTIONAL UNION PARTY. 289 

The Southern gentlemen who had withdrawn from the 
Charleston Convention met in pursuance of their resolu- 
tion at Richmond, but decided to adjourn to Baltimore, 
where they assembled in convention June 23d, and 
adopted the platform which they had agreed upon at 
Charleston ; they decided to nominate candidates for the 
presidency and vice-presidency who held opinions in 
accordance with their own. Honorable John C. Brecken- 
ridge of Kentucky was nominated for President, and 
Honorable Joseph Lane of Oregon for Vice-President. 
These gentlemen subsequently accepted the nomination 
for these offices. 

A great party, organized in the name of the Constitu- 
tional Union party, composed of members of the Whig 
party and of the American party, decided to bring into 
the field statesmen of the highest order as candidates for 
the presidency and vice-presidency. The leaders of the 
party were men distinguished for statesmanship, for 
breadth of view, for attachment to the Union, and were 
moved by a great desire to rescue the country from the 
slavery agitation. They believed that neither of the con- 
tending parties could accomplish that result and restore 
peace to the Union. This party held its National Con- 
vention at Baltimore, May 9th, and nominated for Presi- 
dent John Bell of Tennessee, and for Vice-President 
Edward Everett of Massachusetts. These were men in 
whom the people of the country could put their trust. 
Mr. Bell had been long in the public service — Speaker of 
the House of Representatives, Secretary of War in the 
Cabinet of General Harrison, and a member of the United 
States Senate from the State of Tennessee for years ; his 
political opinions were conservative, and his intellectual 
force was such as to give him a commanding position in 
the Senate at that time. 

Mr. Everett was distinguished for his intellect, for the 
purity of his character, for the breadth of his statesman- 



290 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

ship, and for his attainments, which had attracted attention 
at home and abroad. 

This party, assembled in convention, proposing to avoid 
a statement of opinions that might bring it into collision 
with other parties upon mere details, decided to adopt no 
other platform than a recognition of certain great princi- 
ples which they believed were essential to the safety and 
prosperity of the whole country. The platform adopted 
declared that the party recognized " no political principle 
other than the Constitution of the country. Union of the 
States, and the enforcement of laws." 

The Republican party represented the anti-slavery sen- 
timent of the country, and was composed of men holding 
extreme opinions. Some of these chief leaders, asserting 
their purpose to exclude slavery from every part of the 
country which could be reached by the action of the gen- 
eral government, held its National Convention at Chicago 
May 1 6th. A great struggle followed between the friends 
of the several aspirants to the presidency. Mr. Seward was 
strongly supported, and it was believed that he would se- 
cure the nomination. Mr. Lincoln had a large following, 
and his friends contended vigorously for his nomination. 

Finally, Abraham Lincoln of Illinois was nominated 
for President, and Hannibal Hamlin of Maine for Vice- 
President. 

The platform adopted by the Convention expressed in 
the strongest terms its hostility to slavery and its purpose 
to prevent its extension beyond the limits of the States 
where it already existed. That part of the platform relat- 
ing to slavery was as follows : 

" That the maintenance of the principle promulgated in the 
Declaration of Independence, and embodied in the Federal 
Constitution, ' that all men are created equal ; that they are 
endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights ; that 
among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness ; 
that to secure these rights governments are instituted among 



REPUBLICAN HOSTILITY TO SLAVERY. 29I 

men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the gov- 
erned,' is essential to the preservation of our republican insti- 
tutions ; and that the Federal Constitution, the rights of the 
States, and the Union of the States must and shall be pre- 
served. That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the 
States, and especially of the right of each State to order and 
control its own domestic institutions according to its own 
judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of powers on 
which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric 
depend ; and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed 
force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter under 
what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes. That the new 
dogma, that the Constitution of its own force carry slavery 
into any or all of the Territories of the United States, is a 
dangerous political heresy at variance with the explicit direc- 
tions of that instrument itself, with contemporaneous exposition, 
and with legislative and judicial precedent ; is revolutionary 
in its tendency, and subversive of the peace and harmony of 
the country. That the normal condition of all the territory in 
the United States is that of freedom ; that, as our republican 
fathers, when they had abolished slavery in all our national 
territory, ordained that ' no person should be deprived of life, 
liberty, or property without due process of law,' it becomes our 
duty, by legislation, whenever such legislation is necessary, to 
maintain this provision of the Constitution against all attempts 
to violate it ; and we deny the authority of Congress, of a 
territorial legislature, or of any individuals to give legal exist- 
ence to slavery in any Territory of the United States." 

The several parties having brought their candidates for 
the presidency into the field, proceeded to appeal to the 
people of the country for their support. Mass-meetings 
were held, which were addressed by leading men, who ex- 
pounded the opinions which they represented, and present- 
ed the claims of the candidates upon the people in language 
which aroused them, in many places, into great excitement. 

I was passing the summer at the North, having been 
some time with my family at Saratoga Springs, and later, 



292 POLITICS AND PEN- PICTURES. 

coming to the city of New York, where I took apartments 
at the Fifth Avenue Hotel. 

The conservative men in the city of New York decided 
to hold a meeting which should be addressed by gentle- 
men supporting the claims of the several candidates for 
the presidency opposed to Mr. Lincoln. I was honored 
with an invitation to deliver a speech on the occasion, and 
accepted it. They believed that the state of the country 
required the concentration of public sentiment against the 
sectional party that seemed to be making great progress 
in the non-slaveholding States. 

A call for a meeting of the people to adopt measures 
for an organization of the friends of the Union in Cooper 
Institute was announced for the 17th of September, i860. 
I have before me a New York Herald., published Tuesday, 
September i8th, which gives an account of the meeting. 
The notice of the meeting is headed : 

E PLURIBUS UNUM. 



THE MONSTER MEETING LAST NIGHT. 



COOPER INSTITUTE AND ALL THE SURROUNDING STREETS 
CRAMMED WITH PEOPLE. 



THE GREATEST DEMONSTRATION EVER HELD IN THE 
UNITED STATES. 



THIRTY THOUSAND VOTERS EN MASSE. 



NEW YORK WIDE-AWAKE. 



SPLENDID DISPLAY OF THE MINUTE-MEN OF THE UNION. 



BRILLIANT TORCHLIGHT AND PYROTECHNIC DISPLAY. 



THE VOICE OF THE PEOPLE FOR THE UNION. 



" Cooper Institute and the surrounding district was last even- 
ing a scene of immense excitement, and a degree of public enthu- 



/X 



GRAND NATIONAL MASS-MEETING. 293 

siasm rarely equalled. From an early hour in the afternoon 
large crowds began to assemble about the building watching the 
active preparations which were in progress for the great national 
demonstration of the day. Rostrums and stands were erected 
in front of the Institute, and flags and banners bearing patriotic 
devices were suspended all around. It is scarcely necessary 
to say that the attraction was the grand national mass-meeting 
announced to be held by all the friends of the Union, the 
Constitution, and the laws, and all who are opposed to black 
Republicanism, and to its sectional and blood-thirsty doctrines. 
The national sentiment was thoroughly aroused in the minds 
of the masses, and the people congregated in great numbers to 
show their devotion to constitutional principles, and to the 
Union and perpetuity of the States. . . . 

" Cooper Institute was filled even to suffocation. The idea 
of a crowded building is generally an indistinct one to convey 
to those who do not actually witness the appearance of the 
multitude ; but the largest crowd that ever assembled in one 
place in this city is as nothing to the overwhelming masses 
which crowded the ground-floor, corridor, portals, and even the 
windows, of this well-known and capacious institution last 
night. At a quarter past seven the house was full ; at half 
past it was crowded to repletion ; at a quarter to eight the side 
windows were thrown open to the public, and at eight o'clock, 
the hour fixed for the beginning of the proceedings, the people 
were packed together as grains in a keg of gunpowder. 

" The splendid band of the New York Seventh Regiment was 
in attendance, and discoursed very beautiful music during the 
evening. 

" , . . Gen. F. A. Tallmadge called the meeting to order 
in a very brief speech, in which he introduced Joshua J. Henry, 
Esq., as presiding officer. Mr. Henry delivered a patriotic 
speech which was received with great applause. Vice-presi- 
dents were chosen from the other States of the Union. From 
the metropolis a number were chosen, and in the list the follow- 
ing names appear : General Winfield Scott, William B. Astor, 
James Gordon Bennett, John J. Cisco, William F. Havemeyer, 
Wilson G. Hunt, John A. Dix, Moses Taylor, Charles O'Connor, 



294 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

Daniel Drew, Henry Grinnell, Lewis A. Sayre ; the list is a very 
long one, and the gentlemen named were men of great influence, 
who desired to advance the prosperity of the whole country. A 
number of secretaries were appointed. ..." 

The names were received with tremendous applause, 
especially those of General Winfield Scott, and three other 
gentlemen immediately following. The nominations were 
unanimously approved. After the band had played 
*' Yankee Doodle," Mr. Eli P. Morton read a series 
of resolutions in a loud and distinct voice, the people 
breaking in with tremendous applause at various points ; 
the resolutions were then put and carried, nein. con. The 
chairman then said : " I have the honor to present to 
you this evening as the first speaker his Honor, Fernando 
Wood." Mayor Wood's appearance was greeted with 
the heartiest demonstrations of applause. When order 
was restored Mr. Wood proceeded to deliver a speech 
of great interest, distinguished for statesmanship and 
patriotic ardor. Seated by my side on the platform 
was ex-Governor Moorehead of Kentucky, a personal 
and political friend, with whom I had served for years 
in Congress. It had been arranged that we should both 
address the meeting, and at the conclusion of Mr. Wood's 
address I was introduced by the chairman, and delivered 
a speech which was reported in full in the New York 
Herald, and from which I quote several paragraphs. I 
said : 

" Gentlemen, we are in the midst of great events. At peace 
with all nations — far removed from the complications of Euro- 
pean politics — we ought to enjoy profound tranquillity, and yet 
a widespread apprehension of coming troubles fills the public 
mind. The whole aspect of public affairs is threatening ; 
heretofore party struggles and party triumphs haven risen 
and passed away without disturbing the action of the govern- 
ment, and immediately after the most exciting political con- 



AN EXTRAORDINARY CANVASS. 295 

test a calm has succeeded as deep as that which overspreads 
the sea when the tempest has spent its rage and the billows 
ceased to lash the shore. But the contest now going on is not 
an ordinary canvass ; it wears an aspect of far higher signifi- 
cance, and more momentous results lift themselves to view in 
the background. Bodies of men — disciplined, drilled, marching 
to the sound of martial music, bearing not arms as yet, but 
torches — tread the streets of this great national emporium, and 
range their columns under the very shadow of the statue of 
Washington. What men were they ? They called themselves 
Republicans, but they have lost the last element of that princi- 
ple ; they are truly sectional men. [Applause.] For what pur- 
pose are they trained ? Against what enemy are they to 
march ? One sentiment inflames the whole body. They are 
banded together for one purpose. They hate the South, and 
they will seek to overthrow the institutions of the South. At 
this moment an extraordinary number of citizens of the 
Southern States are in New York ; they fill the hotels, they 
throng the streets, they are seen in your great trading establish- 
ments ; they come with the confidence of a kindred people to 
visit and trade with a kindred people. [Applause.] And yet 
torches borne by men who denounce their institutions, and 
seek to turn all the power of a common government against 
them, glare upon them at midnight, and the tread of disciplined 
battalions shakes the very paving stones as they march in their 
training to prepare for a resistless assault upon the rights and 
the honor of our section. [Loud applause.] What other 
object can they have in view ? It is said that they desire 
to exclude slavery from the Territories, when there is not a 
Territory open to it to-day. Their object lies far beyond that 
— they intend to crush out slavery in the States where it exists. 
They proclaim through the lips of their great leader ' the irre- 
pressible conflict ' ; they intend to trample the Constitution 
under their feet, and to spread devastation through the slave- 
holding States. Their war-cry is as furious as that which was 
thundered by the legions which marched under banners upon 
which were inscribed the words : '' Delenda est Carthago.' This 
distinguishes the present presidental canvass from any that has 



296 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

preceded it. A powerful and dangerous sectional organiza- 
tion — it is not a party, having no singular legitimate principles 
to hold it together, — a formidable league threatens to seize the 
government, and to turn all its perverted powers against 
another section, and every interest in the country begins to 
feel the shock of the convulsion. [Applause.] Against such a 
league — a league so fierce, so baseless, so reckless, and so 
dangerous — every man in whose breast the instincts of patriot- 
ism are not utterly dead ought to range himself in the order of 
battle, as in Rome the fiercest dispute between the Patricians 
and the Plebeians could be stilled by hearing the common 
enemy thundering at the gates of the city. The common 
enemy thunders at the gate to-night. Let us close our quar- 
rels. [Applause.] I appeal to the honesty, the independence, 
and the patriotism of the people of this country to defeat the 
grand army of our enemies. [Applause.] ... 

" This is the anniversary of the adoption of the Federal Consti- 
tution. It has hardly yet numbered the years of a man's life — 
and now it covers with its sheltering sanctity a mighty people, 
dwelling between the two great oceans of the world, and spread- 
ing from the regions where winter enthrones itself, amid frozen 
lakes and streams, down to the tropics. Feeble colonies have 
grown to be mighty States — their number almost treble — their 
wealth boundless — their commerce as wide as the world, and 
their power transcending that of any nation on the globe. No 
great political system can work without being subject to occa- 
sional disturbance ; and the only troubles which the American 
government has ever experienced have resulted from an at- 
tempt to drive it from its true orbit. I do not wish this evening 
to enter upon an examination of Mr. Seward's theory of morals. 
I am not dealing with him as a speculative philosopher, but as a 
practical statesman, and I do not think it difficult to say that he 
has wholly misconceived the character of our government. He 
has the audacity to stand up, a senator of the United States, 
having sworn to support the Constitution — and to address 
the American people in language which denounces slavery 
as a great wrong — a gigantic evil which the government ought 
to extirpate ; he complains that for forty years it has been upon 



MR. SEWARD'S POLICY, 297 

the wrong track ; and he proposes to reverse the action of the 
government ; turn it back in its course ; ignore its grand con- 
servative poHcy, put all its departments into the hands of a 
sectional league, and bring all its energies to bear against the 
social system of one half the people of the United States. He 
deliberately proposes, upon the basis of a speculative moral 
proposition, to shut out from all participation in the conduct of 
a common government one whole section, and to subvert the 
very institutions which that government was organized to 
protect. But Mr. Seward will not, of course, deny that when 
the Constitution was adopted nearly every State held slaves — a 
very deep sensibility in regard to the rights of those who held 
that kind of property was manifested in the convention which 
framed it, — and the basis was laid in the very provisions of the 
Constitution for the representation of slaves by their owners in 
Congress. A slave-holder, George Washington, presided over 
the convention, and his was the first hand which signed the 
instrument. [Applause.] Now I assert that it is wholly im- 
possible to turn the powers of the common government, adopted 
for the benefit of all the States, against the institutions of any of 
the States, without an utter perversion of the true objects of 
that government, without a violation of the Constitution, and 
without inflicting a great wrong, to which a brave and spirited 
people ought not to submit, and to which the Southern people 
will never submit, until Revolutionary blood has died in their 
veins, and Revolutionary memories perished in their hearts. If 
Mr. Seward hopes to obtain tranquillity in that way, the hope is 
a vain one. You may as well seek to repress the internal fires 
of the earth by heaping mountains upon them ; sooner or later 
they will heave whatever oppresses them, and flame up to 
heaven. . . . 

" Now, Mr. Seward proposes to reverse the whole policy of 
the government, and to proclaim hostility to slavery every- 
where. The South sees this mighty organization spreading its 
battalions all through the Northern and Northwestern States. 
She hears the tramp of men mustering to the overthrow of her 
institutions. But she stands undismayed, confident yet in the 
patriotic instincts of the American people, confident in the 



298 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

fraternal regard of her Northern friends, but more confident 
still in her self-respect and courage — for she will never submit 
to be wronged and degraded, nor live to see her institutions 
brought under the ban of the government. She borrows 
the spirit of the national song of England, her mother, and 
exclaims : 

" ' O Lord our God, arise ; 
Scatter our enemies, 

And make them fall ; [Amen.] 
Confound their politics, 
Frustrate their knavish tricks. 
On thee, O God, our eyes we fix — 

God save the State ! ' [Loud applause.] 

" We must defeat this fierce sectional league, and save the 
government from their grasp. Why should the North be 
arrayed against the South ? There is ample room on this conti- 
nent for the expansion and working of our systems of civiliza- 
tion — systems which are not conflicting, but which are admirably 
adapted to each other ; for we consume your products, and we 
supply you with material for your industry. Let the two 
systems work side by side ; the North is already powerful, and 
your population is rapidly increasing by a steady stream of 
emigration which spreads all over your vast territory. Slavery 
will not go where it is not wanted ; it is governed by natural 
laws — soil and climate ; and we are content to leave it to its 
natural expansion. Above a well defined parallel of latitude it 
cannot be profitably employed. It is madness then to seek to 
limit it by legislation, by usurpation, by inflaming the North 
against the South, and by proclaiming humanitarian doctrines 
as shallow as they are dangerous. To God's Providence this 
great interest must be committed. He sees the sublime march 
of nations — He alone can guide our steps ; and it is stupendous 
folly as well as audacity for our brethren of the North to pass 
away from the lines of their own social system in the vain hope 
of reforming ours. I have said that it would be a gross vio- 
lation of the Constitution to engraft upon the government a 
policy hostile to slavery. It would be more than this — it would 
be a flagrant breach of good faith. Does any man believe that 



SLA VER V IN THE CONSTITUTION. 299 

the federal government could have been constructed if it had 
been understood that the powers would be directed against 
slavery in the States ? Why, it was expressly stipulated in the 
Constitution that the foreign slave-trade should not be pro- 
hibited by the government for twenty years after its adoption. 
Why stipulate for the continued importation of slaves for 
twenty years, if it was to be the policy of the government in 
future to eradicate that institution in the States ? Why not 
forthwith cut off all further supply of slaves from abroad ? So 
resolute were the framers of the Constitution upon this point 
that the power to regulate commerce by a bare majority vote of 
the two houses of Congress was not granted till that clause in 
reference to importation of persons from abroad was first 
secured. If, then, the government could not have been con- 
structed with a distinct understanding at the time that its policy 
was to be directed against slavery, is it not both unconstitutional 
and a flagrant breach of good faith to seize the departments of 
that government — a government common to all the States — 
and turn them against that system of labor in the Southern 
States ? The Constitution provides for the representation of 
slaves as an elementary part of the machinery of the govern- 
ment ; and it prohibits the cutting off a still larger supply of 
slaves from Africa for twenty years. How then can it be 
asserted that this is an anti-slavery government in its nature, 
and that it was put upon the wrong track forty years since by 
admitting a slave-holding State into the Union ? Ought not 
the people of a State to enjoy the privilege of framing their 
own domestic institutions ? Can hostility to slavery upon the 
ground of its being a moral wrong, as Mr Seward asserts it to 
be, authorize a statesman to direct the energies of a common 
government against it, when the Constitution not only confers 
no such power, but when its provisions actually are made to 
perpetuate it ? Is not this a direct appeal to the higher law ? 
All that the South asks is that the Constitution be upheld ; she 
demands nothing but that the government be administered in the 
spirit of that instrument. Her enemies are the enemies of the 
Constitution, and they can reach her institutions only by tramp- 
ling that under foot. She does not envy the prosperity of the 



300 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

North. She rejoices in the increasing wealth and power of a 
kindred people, she witnesses your rapid advancement, your 
wonderful growth, with just pride, and she bids you go on in 
your course of expansion and civilization ; she sees your 
splendid cities with hearty satisfaction, and glories in your 
commerce which bears the flag of the republic to the remotest 
seas of the globe ; she is content with her own lot ; she asks 
no special legislation for her benefit ; all that she demands is a 
full participation in the benefits of a common government, a 
full recognition of her rights, and a clear vindication of her 
honor. [Loud applause.] Wronged, degraded, excluded from 
the full benefit of her own government, she will never consent 
to be, nor will she suffer her institutions to be brought under 
the ban of that government. When we survey the wide picture 
of national power and glory and happiness that spreads out 
before us, we can hardly repress our indignation against those 
wild and wicked agitators who seek to destroy it ; and we 
exclaim in the language of Milton's nervous and earnest 
prayer against the enemies of the people of England : * Leave 
us not a prey to these importunate wolves, that wait and think 
long till they devour thy tender flocks ; these wild boars that 
have broken into thy vineyard and left the print of their 
polluting hoofs on the souls of thy servants ! O let them not 
bring about their wicked designs, that stand now at the entrance 
of the bottomless pit, expecting the watchword to open and let 
out those dreadful locusts and scorpions to reinvolve us in that 
pitchy cloud of infernal darkness where we shall never more 
see the sun of thy truth again, never hope for the cheerful 
dawn, never more hear the birds of morning sing.' [Loud and 
repeated applause.] 

" This is a grand struggle between Nationalism and Sectional- 
ism, The very existence of the Union is involved in it ; men 
of extreme opinions seek to grasp the reins of government, and 
if they succeed they will plunge the country into irretrievable 
ruin. They must be put down. National men — statesmen 
who stand by the Constitution, and love the Union, and desire 
to see the laws enforced, — they must be sustained, and to their 
hands we must commit the government. Rash men of sec- 



SIGNS OF DANGER TO THE UNION 3OI 

tional views cannot govern this great country. A perfect 
illustration of what would follow is found in the classics. 
Phaeton desired but for one day to drive the chariot of the sun ; 
he seized the reins in his feeble hands, the wild steeds flew from 
their accustomed track. The universe was threatened with 
destruction, and not till a bolt flew from the uplifted hand of 
Jupiter, hurling the impetuous driver from his seat, could order 
be restored to nature. Better far to keep rash, sectional, in- 
competent men out of the seat of power, than risk the task to 
the aroused majesty of the American people of restoring order 
and hurling them from their places. [Applause.] . . . 

" To take candidates now from one section, to proclaim war 
against another section, to denounce the institutions of co- 
ordinate States — this is the issue before the country, this is the 
policy exhibited to our view ; and it has never till now threat- 
ened to take control of the government. If they come into 
power it will be the beginning of the end ; this government 
cannot be administered upon that plan. The day that witnesses 
the election of Mr. Lincoln, if that calamity is to be visited 
upon us, will witness a convulsion which shakes the institutions 
of this country to their deepest foundation. [Tremendous en- 
thusiasm.] Public confidence will expire, stocks will go down, 
property of every description will fall suddenly in value, com- 
merce will feel the shock as if a storm had swept the sea 
and rent the sails of mighty ships, and this grand republican 
system, this glorious confederacy of free and powerful States, 
seated in friendly alliance upon a continent over which the 
gorgeous ensign of the Republic streams to-day, the symbol of 
peace, of union, and of strength, rocked as under the throes of 
an earthquake. The mariner can discover with his practised 
eye the sign of the rising tempest, and even far in upon the 
land a bird is sometimes seen flying before the fury of the 
coming storm which threatens to sweep its billowy home ; and 
I do not doubt that men of experience, sweeping the horizon 
with their glasses, begin even now to read the signs of danger 
in some of those aspects which the times disclose to their view, 
while they escape the notice of a casual observer. I have always 
been for the Union — I am for the Union to-day ; but the best 



302 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

friends of the Union may be overwhelmed, as a faithful helms- 
man is sometimes driven from his post by the fury of a resist- 
less tempest. Gentlemen, stand up for the Union. [The whole 
mass here rose with a common impulse and cheered right 
lustily.] Let us put down now and forever sectional men ; they 
exult in the hope of victory ; they spread their fierce legions 
all about us, as Leslie's army shut in Cromwell ; let us, like 
that grand old Christian soldier, rise in our impetuous strength 
and cut their lines to pieces. The Union must be preserved. 
Glorious objects lie before us ; our destiny as a nation is not 
yet fulfilled. [Loud applause.] Let us accomplish the grand 
and beneficent objects of our destiny. . . . 

" Upon you, gentlemen of the State of New York, depends 
everything at this crisis ; do not be dismayed by the magnitude 
of the task which lies before you ; think of your vast strength ; 
think of the glory which will crown you if, meeting the surging 
billows which have just broken over the State of Maine, you say 
to them : * Thus far shalt thou come, and no farther, and 
here shall thy proud waves be stayed.' [Renewed applause.] 
It is glorious to see great strength displayed in the beneficent 
work of saving, and not destroying. You can save a Nation — 
you can rescue the Republic — you can cover yourselves all 
over with glory. The Lacedaemonians stood at the Pass of 
Thermopylae and died, earning immortality ; they perished 
because they were feeble ; they counted but hundreds against 
a host. But you are mighty — you are invincible ; rise to the 
full grandeur of your position. Friends of the Constitution, 
friends of liberty, friends of the Republic, rise in the full 
majesty of your strength and crush the enemies of your 
country." [Tremendous applause.] 

Some days after the great meeting in Cooper Institute 
I received an invitation from the conservative men of 
Boston to deliver a speech in that city on the state of 
the country. 

During my stay in Boston I was the guest of Mr. 
Edward Everett. He gave me a cordial welcome to his 
house, and he entertained me in a way to make my visit 



THE GUEST OF EDWARD EVERETT. 303 

one of the most agreeable of my life. His library was 
large, containing besides a valuable collection of books, 
works of art, and among them was a life-size marble 
statue of himself, which had been presented by his friends. 
I was called on by a number of the leading men of 
Boston, and it was arranged that I should deliver a 
speech in Faneuil Hall. Mr. Everett's name was on the 
ticket for the vice-presidency with Mr. Bell, and he did 
not accompany me to the hall, but I was escorted by 
several gentlemen of distinction. A large audience filled 
the place, so rich in historic associations, and so full of 
objects recalling patriotic memories. 

I delivered a speech in which I described the state of 
the country, and spoke of the perils which surrounded 
the government, I presented the claims of the eminent 
men whose cause I represented in strong terms, and 
appealed to all who heard me to give another illustration 
of the attachment of Massachusetts to the Constitution 
and the Union, by giving them their support. Expres- 
sions of great satisfaction were given during the delivery 
of the speech, and at its conclusion I was greeted with 
enthusiasm by the whole audience. Among the gentle- 
men present was Mr. George S. Hillard, that accomplished 
scholar who had contributed a charming book to the 
literature of the country, and whose rank at the bar was 
high ; he returned with me to Mr. Everett's residence, and 
soon after we entered the house a large number of citizens 
stood in front of it, accompanied by a band of music, who 
gave us a serenade. Mr. Everett spoke from his balcony, 
and thanked them for the tribute to myself, and afterwards 
presented me to them, when I delivered a brief speech. 

The next day Mr. Everett invited several eminent 
gentlemen to meet me at breakfast, among them Mr. 
Winthrop, Mr. Prescott, Mr. Nathan Appleton, Mr. 
Ticknor, Mr. Hillard, and others distinguished for their 
attainments and public services. 



304 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

When I took leave of Mr. Everett I bore with me a 
deepened impression of his splendid qualities, and a 
heightened estimate of him as a man and a scholar. 

Upon my return to New York several influential gen- 
tlemen called on me, and insisted that I should deliver 
speeches at some of the important places in the interior 
of the State. I consented to do so, and they arranged for 
my reception at the several places indicated. 

At Utica I was received in a way that gratified me 
greatly, and I found on the stage, prepared for the 
occasion, ex-Governor Seymour, who gave me a warm 
welcome. After delivering my speech, that eminent man 
addressed the people in a statesmanlike way, appealing 
to the people to give their support to men who repre- 
sented national views and patriotic measures. He de- 
nounced sectionalism in severe terms, and insisted that 
the States should enjoy without molestation their full 
rights under the Constitution. 

Proceeding to other places I delivered addresses, and 
the Saturday previous to the election I went to Niagara 
Falls for rest and recreation. The sun had gone down 
before my arrival ; I heard the thunder of the falls, and, 
walking out, could see dimly that sublime spectacle un- 
surpassed by any of the objects of nature. I was alone, 
and the next morning, in accordance with the suggestion 
of a friend in New York, I walked out of the hotel, and, 
turning my steps toward the falls, I did not look up until 
I reached a certain spot where it was said I would enjoy 
the most impressive view. Many have attempted to 
describe their emotions upon seeing Niagara Falls for 
the first time ; I shall not undertake to do so. Neither 
language nor art can give an adequate idea of them. I 
engaged a boat in charge of two strong men and entered 
it, instructing them to take me across the river that I 
might enjoy the best view of surrounding objects. The 
men were much amused by occasional expressions of 



VISIT TO EX-PRESIDENT FILLMORE. 305 

appreciation on my part. As the spray fell upon us I 
remarked : " This is grand." One of the men said : " It 
is a little too grand." I said a few minutes afterwards 
that I had never seen the falls before, and that I had 
come from Alabama that I might get a view of them. 
One of the men remarked : " You must think a heap of 
them to come so far to see them." I assented to what he 
said. I saw Niagara under the most favorable circum- 
stances ; the day was fine, and I was alone in the presence 
of nature in her most sublime form. 

On Monday I took the train for Buffalo, and upon 
reaching there was received by friends who expected 
my visit. 

Mr. Fillmore, my personal and political friend, with 
whom I had enjoyed an agreeable intercourse for years, 
called on me and invited me to take tea with him at his 
residence ; I was presented to Mrs. Fillmore, and passed 
an hour or two in conversation. Mr. Fillmore, since his 
service as President, had declined to attend public meet- 
ings, and therefore did not accompany me to the hall 
where I was to address the people. It was the evening 
before the presidential election, when I stood in the 
presence of a great audience and delivered my speech. 
It was an earnest appeal to the people to support the 
candidates of the Constitutional Union party, and I 
urged them in the great contest about to be decided to 
stand by the Constitution and the Union. I left at 
eleven o'clock that night for New York, and reached that 
city the next day. 

Meanwhile the great contest for the control of the 
government was going on throughout the United States. 
I soon learned that the Republican party had won the day. 

Abraham Lincoln, it was decided, should be the Presi- 
dent of the United States. 



CHAPTER XXVI. 

Effect of Mr. Lincoln's Election upon the Country — Secession of South Caro- 
lina — Mississippi — Florida — Alabama — Speech against Secession — 
Georgia — Speech of Mr. Stephens — Louisiana — Texas — Efforts i\Iade to 
Arrest the Revolution — Opening of Congress — Mr. Buchanan's Message 
— Confederate Congress at Montgomery, Alabama, February 4, 1S61 — 
Provisional Government Organized — Jefferson Davis of Mississippi 
Elected President — Alexander H. Stephens of Georgia, Vice-President — 
Mr. Davis Inaugurated February i8th — His Cabinet — Mr. Lincoln Inau- 
gurated March 4th — Mr. Stephens' Speech, March 2ist — Fort Sumter — 
Virginia — Tennessee. 

The result of the presidential election startled the 
country. The United States at that time presented a 
splendid picture of national prosperity. Everywhere, 
from the Atlantic to the Pacific, and from the mountains 
of New England to the tropical plains of Texas, every 
interest of the country was being developed. Soon after 
the election of Mr. Lincoln a dark cloud came over this 
dazzling picture. 

Up to that time the government had been administered 
in the spirit of the Constitution, and whatever differences 
of opinion existed between contending parties, every one 
felt that the institutions of the country were safe. The 
republic had grown in extent and power — its commerce, 
its manufactures, its agriculture flourished, and its flag 
was known and honored throughout the world. But now 
after more than seventy years of uninterrupted growth 
in all its departments its advance was to be suddenly 
arrested. 

306 



EFFECT OF MR. LINCOLN'S ELECTION. 307 

A sectional party had triumphed, and the government 
was to be transferred to their hands. Statesmen, men of 
business, and those engaged in the varied industries of the 
country expressed their apprehension of coming troubles. 

Ex-President Franklin Pierce, distinguished as a states- 
man for his broad views and patriotic sentiments, wrote a 
letter, the day following the election, from Concord, N. 
H., November 7, i860, to Hon. Horatio King, Assistant 
Postmaster-General at Washington, in terms which ex- 
pressed the general sentiment of the country : 

" As the overthrow of a party merely, the result of the Presi- 
dential election is comparatively of little moment. As a 
distinct and unequivocal denial of the co-equal rights of the 
States, I cannot help regarding it as fearful." 

South Carolina took the first step towards organizing 
an independent government. 

The legislature then in session at Columbia issued a 
call on November 7, i860, the day after the presidential 
election, when it was known that a majority of the electors 
chosen on November 6th were in favor of Lincoln for 
President, for a State convention to assemble on Decem- 
ber 17th. It adopted other measures providing for the 
protection of the State and enabling it to accomplish its 
objects. A bill was passed providing for an army of ten 
thousand men to be raised immediately. Hon. Francis 
W. Pickens was elected by the legislature Governor of 
the State, and was promptly inaugurated. In his inaugu- 
ral address he stated that for seventy-three years the 
State had been connected by a federal compact with 
co-States, under a bond of union for great national objects 
common to all ; that recently, a powerful party organized 
upon principles whose undisguised purpose was to divert 
the federal government from its true objects, and turn 
its power against the interests of the Southern States, 
in the recent election had triumphed upon principles 



308 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

that made it no longer safe to rely upon the powers of 
the federal government ; that the President was about to 
be inaugurated with vast powers, hostile to the institutions 
of South Carolina ; and that no alternative was left but to 
interpose the sovereign power of the State to protect the 
rights and ancient privileges of its people. The State 
convention assembled at Columbia, December 17th, and 
adopted an ordinance of secession. Governor Pickens on 
December 24th issued a proclamation declaring the 
State of South Carolina to be : "A separate, sovereign, 
free and independent State, and as such has a right to 
levy war, conclude peace, negotiate treaties, leagues, or 
covenants, and to do all acts whatsoever that rightfully 
appertain to a free and independent State." 

The most active steps were taken to secure the United 
States Custom-House, Post-Office, and Arsenal in 
Charleston, and Forts Pinckney and Moultrie in the har- 
bor of that city. About this time. Major Anderson, the 
United States commander, who had with one small force 
occupied Fort Moultrie, believing that to be indefensible, 
transferred his command to Fort Sumter. 

Immediately after the ordinance of secession the con- 
vention appointed commissioners to visit the other slave- 
holding States, and invite them to co-operate with South 
Carolina in the formation of a Confederate government. 

Mississippi promptly responded ; a convention was 
called, and an ordinance of secession adopted on January 
9th, with slight opposition, which was afterwards made 
unanimous. 

Florida was the next State to take action, and, on 
January loth, passed an ordinance of secession with a pre- 
amble, setting forth the reasons for withdrawing from the 
Union. 

In Alabama the sympathy with South Carolina was so 
strong that popular demonstrations were made in several 
cities when that State withdrew from the Union. In 



SPEECH AGAINST SECESSION. 309 

Mobile, which at that time enjoyed great commercial 
prosperity, demonstrations were made upon a grand 
scale. In Montgomery, my residence, the same senti- 
ment exhibited itself. The great body of my political 
friends were enthusiastic in expressing their sympathy 
with South Carolina, and insisted that Alabama should 
follow her example. 

Loyal to the South, of which I was a native, where I 
had grown up, where I had been educated ; all my hopes 
and interests being identified with its prosperity, happi- 
ness, and glory ; I was still national, and desired that 
Alabama should await some further action on the part of 
the general government before taking any steps to with- 
draw from the Union. 

A number of gentlemen, who were in sympathy with 
my views, urged me to address the people in opposition 
to the proposed secession of the State, and I decided to 
do so. 

I delivered a speech in Estelle Hall to a crowded house, 
expressing in strong terms my attachment to Alabama, 
and my desire that the State should still maintain its 
relations to the Union, and await the full co-operation of 
the other slave-holding States before taking any final step 
to sever its connection with the federal government. I 
reviewed the history of the government, and stated that 
we were indebted to the Union of the States for our 
growth and prosperity, and I depicted the disastrous con- 
sequences that might follow a separation from the non- 
slaveholding States. A great writer has said : " History 
is philosophy teaching by examples," and it was impor- 
tant at this time to take a full survey of the past before 
severing our relations with the Union, and entering upon 
the untried fortunes of the future. In my judgment, 
even if we could accomplish the plan we proposed for the 
separation of the Southern States from the other States 
and the organization of an independent government, we 



310 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

might not be able to conduct that government success- 
fully ; we were an agricultural people, and it was doubtful 
if we should be able to protect our property upon the 
high seas, or our citizens when they went abroad. Our 
wiser course would be to assert our rights within the 
Union, where I believed we should be able to protect our 
rights and maintain our honor. The flag of the United 
States was our flag ; it was only a piece of bunting, but 
it represented the glorious history of our people in peace 
and in war, and we should exhaust every remedy in our 
power for the maintenance of our rights before we aban- 
doned it. 

The large audience, the great majority of whom held 
opinions widely different from mine, heard me respect- 
fully, but did not give me their sympathy. 

Upon the close of my speech loud calls were made 
upon the Honorable Thomas H. Watts to reply to me. 
That gentleman came forward to the stand and was 
greeted with applause ; with the generosity of his nature, 
and the magnanimity that always distinguished him, Mr. 
Watts stated that while he did not agree with me in my 
views, and while a large number of those who were pres- 
ent might also dissent from my counsels, still it was my 
right to speak to the people frankly. I had been honored 
by the people of Alabama and I had served them faith- 
fully, winning distinction for myself and for the State ; 
he therefore declined, at that time, to address the people. 

Governor Andrew B. Moore called a convention of 
delegates to assemble at Montgomery, who were elected 
December 24th. The convention assembled in the Capi- 
tol in Montgomery January 7, 1861. Every county in 
the State was represented ; it was plain from the begin- 
ning that a very large majority of the members of the 
convention were in favor of withdrawing from the Union ; 
a number of delegates from the northern part of Alabama 
opposed the plan for adopting the ordinance of secession. 



OPPOSITION TO SECESSION IN GEORGIA. 311 

There was a strong attachment felt for the Union, and 
the policy of withdrawing from it at that time was- decid- 
edly opposed. 

An ordinance of secession was adopted by a large ma- 
jority. After stating the reasons for a separation from 
the Union, it declared : 

" That the State of Alabama now withdraws, and is hereby 
withdrawn, from the Union known as the United States of 
America, and henceforth ceases to be one of said United 
States, and is, and of right ought to be, a sovereign and inde- 
pendent State." 

In Georgia there was a strong popular sentiment against 
secession, and some of her most eminent statesmen re- 
sisted its adoption. Honorable Alexander H. Stephens 
and Benjamin H. Hill were distinguished for their earnest 
appeals in behalf of the Union. A convention was called 
which met at Milledgeville, January i6th. Mr. Stephens, 
a member of the body, soon after the opening of the ses- 
sion, made a great speech, stating in vehement terms his 
opposition to secession. One of the opening paragraphs 
reveals the ardor of his appeal to the convention to pause 
before taking that momentous step : 

" This step, secession, once taken can never be recalled, 
and all the baleful and withering consequences that must fol- 
low will rest on this convention for all coming time. When 
we and our posterity shall see our lovely South desolated by 
the demon of war, which this act of yours will inevitably pro- 
voke ; when our green fields and waving harvests shall be 
trodden down by a murderous soldiery ; when the fiery car of 
war sweeps over our land, our temples laid in ashes, and every 
horror and desolation upon us, who but this convention will 
be held responsible for it, and who but him who shall have 
given his vote for this unwise and ill-timed measure shall be 
held to a strict account for this suicidal act by the present 



312 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

generation, and be cursed and execrated by posterity in all com- 
ing time for the wide and desolating ruin that will inevitably 
follow this act you now propose to perpetrate ? Pause, I 
entreat you, and consider for a moment what reasons you can 
give that will satisfy yourselves in calmer moments — what rea- 
sons you can give to your fellow-sufferers in the calamity that 
it will bring upon us." 

Against these solemn appeals of this distinguished 
statesman the convention, on January 19th, passed an ordi- 
nance of secession by a vote of 208 to 89. This powerful 
State declared herself to be independent. 

Some few days later Louisiana adopted an ordinance of 
secession by a vote of 113 to 17. 

The great State of Texas, catching the revolutionary 
spirit, soon asserted its independence. Disregarding the 
counsels of her eminent citizen, General Sam Houston, 
at that time Governor, Texas in convention declared, by 
a vote of 166 to 7, that the State was no longer a member 
of the Union. 

These States, so lately loyal to the Union, declared that 
the triumph of a sectional party which unequivocally pro- 
claimed its purpose to exclude their people from partici- 
pation in the benefits of a common government, made it 
imperative, for the protection of their rights, to withdraw 
from it. Each one asserting a rightful power as a sov- 
ereign, proclaimed to the world that the State is, as she 
has a right to be, a separate, free, and independent State. 
The several States having thus declared their indepen- 
dence proceeded to take possession of the arsenals, custom- 
houses, navy yards, and forts belonging to the United 
States. 

Fort Sumter was still held by an officer of the United 
States, and also Fort Pickens, in Florida. 

The United States army at that time numbered less 
than 20,000 men. The largest force was in Texas, under 



PATRIOTIC COUNSELS OF THE PRESIDENT. 313 

the command of General Twiggs, a distinguished officer, 
a native of Georgia, and whose sympathies were with the 
South; on February i8th he surrendered his whole com- 
mand and all the posts and munitions of war to the 
authorities of Texas. On March ist General Twigg was 
dismissed from the army by order of President Buchanan. 

The Congress of the United States assembled Decem- 
ber 3, i860, and President Buchanan sent to that body 
his annual message. In treating of the state of the coun- 
try, he recommended several measures for the adoption 
of Congress, which he hoped would arrest the revolution 
already commenced, and restore to the Union the States 
which had withdrawn from it. Mr. Buchanan, a states- 
man of great ability and large experience, looking out 
upon the whole country, proposed the adoption of meas- 
ures which he believed to be just in themselves, and 
demanded by the condition of the States. He did not 
hesitate to declare that certain laws adopted in the non- 
slaveholding States, impairing or defeating the right to 
recover fugitives from labor, were violations of the Con- 
stitution, and consequently null and void. He believed 
that the adoption of the measures proposed by him 
would forever terminate the existing dissensions and 
restore peace and harmony among the States. The 
statesmanlike and patriotic counsels of the President did 
not prevail. 

The great State of Virginia, loyal to the Constitution, 
and still cherishing the traditions which had distinguished 
her statesmen for so long a time, made an effort to restore 
harmony to the country. One of her most eminent citi- 
zens, ex-President John Tyler, leaving his retirement, 
came to Washington and presided over a convention 
which had assembled in accordance with resolutions 
which had been adopted by the legislature of Virginia. 
The convention did not succeed in effecting the recon- 
ciliation which it had hoped to accomplish. In the midst 



314 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

of discussions going on in Congress in regard to the 
various measures proposed for the adjustment of the 
great contest, events occurred which soon made it clear 
that the administration of President Buchanan could not 
treat successfully the great questions which had brought 
about the secession of several of the Southern States. 
One by one the members of his Cabinet resigned ; the 
disturbing question was a proposition to reinforce the 
forts in Charleston harbor. Mr. Floyd, the Secretary of 
War, opposed any steps in that direction, and while the 
President still hesitated to take any decided step in 
regard to the measure. General Cass, Secretary of State, 
sent in his resignation. Honorable Howell Cobb, the 
Secretary of the Treasury, had already resigned, and 
returned to his residence in Georgia. Soon after, Mr. 
Floyd, the Secretary of War, not being able to induce 
the President to withdraw the garrison from Charleston 
harbor, resigned. The events which soon after occurred, 
led to the resignation of the Honorable Jacob Thompson, 
Secretary of the Interior, who returned to his home in 
Mississippi. Honorable Joseph Holt, acting Secretary of 
War, with the sanction of the President and his Cabinet, 
made an attempt to send reinforcements to Major Ander- 
son by the steamer Star of the West, which sailed from 
New York January 5th, and arrived off Charleston on the 
9th. The ship was fired at from batteries manned with 
the forces of the State, and returned without effecting 
her purpose. Resolutions, belligerent in their tone, were 
adopted by the legislatures of New York, Ohio, and 
Massachusetts ; the whole military power of those States 
was offered to the President. The legislature of South 
Carolina declared that any attempt to reinforce Fort 
Sumter would be an act of war. 

Mr. Buchanan would sanction no further attempts to 
reinforce Fort Sumter ; his administration was about to 
close, and he was reluctant to perform any act which 



THE CONFEDERATE GOVERNMENT ORGANIZED. 315 

would bring about hostilities between the government of 
the United States and the several States of the South 
which had so recently withdrawn from it ; he was the 
last in the line of Presidents, beginning with Washington, 
who had administered the government in the spirit of 
the Constitution, who had witnessed the steady growth 
of the country until it reached that splendid development 
which attracted the attention of the whole world, and it 
was his wish as he retired from his great office to leave it 
undisturbed by the sound of war, and unstained by a 
drop of fraternal blood. The government was soon 
to pass into the hands of those who had been elected 
by a powerful section, and a new dynasty was to succeed, 
while portentous clouds darkened the horizon of the 
future. 

In the meantime the States that had seceded from the 
Union proceeded to organize a Confederate government. 
A Congress composed of delegates from these States met 
according to appointment at Montgomery on the 4th 
of February, 1861. Honorable Howell Cobb of Georgia 
was chosen to preside over it. 

A provisional constitution for the Confederacy about 
to be established by the States which had declared their 
independence, to be styled " Confederate States of 
America," was adopted on the 8th of February, for the 
term of one year, unless superseded by a permanent 
organization. 

The next day an election was held for the chief execu- 
tive offices, and Honorable Jefferson Davis of Mississippi 
was elected President, and Honorable Alexander Stephens 
of Georgia Vice-President. Mr. Davis was not present at 
the time of his election to the presidency, but arrived in 
the course of a few days. 

He was inaugurated as President of the Confederate 
States on the 18th of February, in the presence of a large 
assemblage of the people, who greeted him with enthusi- 



3l6 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

asm. Demonstrations of joy were made in the city of 
Montgomery at the moment of the inauguration of the 
President, and the residences were generally illuminated 
in the evening. 

Mr. Davis, after being inaugurated, proceeded to the 
formation of his Cabinet. It seems to have been his 
purpose to appoint Mr. Barnwell of South Carolina Secre- 
tary of State, and to invite Mr. Toombs of Georgia to 
take charge of the Treasury Department. Mr. Barnwell 
having declined to accept the office tendered him, Mr. 
Toombs was offered the State Department, and accepted 
it. Mr. Memminger of South Carolina, who had a high 
reputation in his own State for integrity, and for his 
acquaintance with financial affairs, was appointed Secre- 
tary of the Treasury. Mr. L. P. Walker of Alabama, a 
distinguished member of the bar, was offered the War 
Department, and accepted it. Mr. Mallory of Florida, 
who had been Chairman of the Committee on Naval 
Affairs in the United States Senate, was appointed Secre- 
tary of the Navy. Mr. Reagan of Texas, who had been 
a distinguished Representative in the United States Con- 
gress from that State, accepted the office of Postmaster- 
General. Mr. Benjamin of Louisiana, who had a great 
reputation as a lawyer, and who had served with distinc- 
tion in the Senate of the United States, was called to the 
post of Attorney-General. A permanent constitution was 
unanimously adopted by Congress on March nth. Its 
provisions resembled the Constitution of the United 
States, but some changes were made to meet the con- 
ditions of the new government. Some of them were im- 
provements, and among these was a provision for the 
election of President and Vice-President, the official term 
having been extended to six years, and the President in- 
eligible to re-election. 

On the 4th of March, 1861, Mr. Lincoln was inaugurated 
at Washington. In his inaugural address he argued that 



MR. STEPHENS' VIEWS. 317 

no State upon its own mere motion can lawfully go out of 
the Union, and declared that all resolves and ordinances 
to that effect were illegal and void. He said : 

" I therefore consider that, in view of the Constitution and 
the laws, the Union is unbroken ; and to the extent of my 
ability I shall take care, as the Constitution itself expressly 
enjoins upon me, that the laws of the Union be faithfully exe- 
cuted in all the States." 

In March Mr. Stephens delivered a speech at Savannah, 
in which he expounded the principles upon which the 
Confederate government had been organized. Opposed 
as he had been to secession, he had accepted the place of 
Vice-President in the new government, and he thought it 
proper to state his views clearly in regard to its provisions. 
He said : 

" The new Constitution has put at rest forever all the agi- 
tating questions relating to our peculiar institutions — African 
slavery as it exists among us ; the proper status of the negro 
in our form of civilization. This was the immediate cause of 
the late rupture and present revolution. Jefferson, in his fore- 
cast, had anticipated this as the rock upon which the old Union 
would split. The prevailing ideas entertained by him, and 
most of the old statesmen at the time of the formation of the 
old Constitution, were that the enslavement of the African was 
in violation of the laws of nature ; that it was wrong in prin- 
ciple, socially, morally, and politically. Our new government 
is founded upon exactly opposite ideas ; its foundations are 
laid, its corner-stone rests upon the great truth that the negro 
is not equal to the white man ; that slavery, subordination to 
the superior race, is his natural and normal condition. This, 
our new government, is the first in the history of the world 
based upon this great physical, philosophical, and moral truth. 
It is the first government ever instituted upon principles in 
strict conformity to nature, and the ordination of Providence, 
in furnishing the materials of human society. Many, govern- 



3l8 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

ments have been founded upon the principle of enslaving cer- 
tain classes ; but the classes thus enslaved were of the same 
race and enslaved in violation of the laws of nature. Our sys- 
tem commits no such violation of nature's laws ; the negro, by- 
nature or by the curse against Canaan, is fit for that condition 
which he occupies in our system. . . . It is indeed in 
conformity with the Creator. It is not for us to inquire into 
His ordinances, or to question them." 

Mr. Lincoln in forming his Cabinet appointed Honorable 
William H. Seward of New York Secretary of State, a 
statesman of great ability, but committed, by repeated 
expressions of his sentiments, to the support of measures 
hostile to slavery wherever it existed, and to its exclusion 
from all territory embraced within the government of the 
United States. 

Honorable Salmon P. Chase of Ohio accepted the 
Department of the Treasury. This really great statesman 
gave strength to the new administration — illustrated its 
whole course, and by his financial ability enabled it to 
conduct successfully the war waged against the States 
that had declared their independence of the Union. 

The new administration soon exhibited its purpose to 
coerce the States that had withdrawn from the Union to 
obedience to the authority of the general government. It 
decided that a fleet should be sent to Charleston to rein- 
force Major Anderson, who still held possession of Fort 
Sumter. A squadron carrying supplies and soldiers sailed 
from New York and other Northern ports early in April, 
and on the 8th formal notice was given to the Governor 
of South Carolina that the fleet was on its way with 
instructions to relieve the fort. Up to that time it had 
been hoped that no change would be made in the status 
of Fort Sumter until further efforts at reconciliation had 
been tried. General Beauregard, who was in command at 
Charleston of the Confederate forces, immediately tele- 
graphed the sailing of the fleet and its object to the Secre- 



FORT SUMTER. 319 

tary of War at Montgomery. At a Cabinet meeting, at 
which Mr. Davis presided, the question was discussed, and 
it was decided to instruct General Beauregard to demand 
the immediate surrender of the fort. This order was 
given in view of the measure just adopted by the adminis- 
tration at Washington. The squadron under way for 
Charleston consisted of eight vessels, carrying twenty-six 
guns, and about fourteen hundred men, including the 
troops sent for reinforcement of the garrison. Mr. Davis 
saw that no time was to be lost in anticipating the 
impending assault. A communication was received from 
General Beauregard, dated Charleston, April 8th, addressed 
to L. P. Walker, Secretary of War, as follows : 

" An authorized messenger from President Lincoln just 
informed Governor Pickens and myself that provisions would 
be sent to Fort Sumter peaceably, or otherwise by force. 

" G. T. Beauregard." 

General Walker addressed the following order to Gen- 
eral Beauregard : 

" Montgomery, loth. 

" If you have no doubt of the authorized character of the 
agent who communicated to you an intention of the Washing- 
ton government to supply Fort Sumter by force, you will at 
once demand its evacuation, and if this is refused proceed, in 
such manner as you may determine, to reduce it." 

General Beauregard replied promptly : " The demand 
will be made to-morrow at twelve o'clock." Mr. Walker 
immediately instructed General Beauregard : " Unless 
there are especial reasons connected with your own condi- 
tion, it is considered proper that you should make the 
demand at an early hour." General Beauregard replied : 
"The reasons are special for twelve o'clock." 

On April 12, 1861, at 2 P.M., General Beauregard in- 
formed Major Anderson that he had been ordered by the 
government of the Confederate States to demand an 



320 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

evacuation of Fort Sumter, stating that his aides, Colonel 
Chesnut and Captain Lee, were authorized to make such 
demand. He stated that all proper facilities would be 
afforded for the removal of Major Anderson and com- 
mand, together with company arms and property, and 
private property, to any post in the United States which 
he might elect. He added : " The flag which you have 
upheld so long and with so much fortitude, under the 
most trying circumstances, may be saluted by you on 
taking it down." Major Anderson promptly replied, 
declining with regret the demand for the evacuation 
of the fort, with which his sense of honor and of 
obligation to his government prevented his compliance, 
and tendered his thanks for " the fair, manly, and 
courteous terms proposed, and for the high compliment 
paid " him. 

Under instructions received from the Secretary of War 
at Montgomery, General Beauregard, in consequence of 
verbal observations made by his aides, Messrs. Chesnut 
and Lee, as to the disposition of Major Anderson to 
arrange for the evacuation of Fort Sumter without the 
useless effusion of blood, addressed a communication to 
that officer suggesting that he should name the time 
when he would evacuate the fort. On April 12th, at 
half-past two in the morning, General Beauregard re- 
ceived from Major Anderson a reply to his communica- 
tion of the nth inst. that he would, "if provided with 
the proper and necessary means of transportation, evacu- 
ate Fort Sumter by noon on the 15th inst., should he not 
receive prior to that time controlling instructions from 
his government, or additional supplies ; and that he 
would not in the meantime open fire upon the Con- 
federate forces, unless compelled to do so by some hos- 
tile act against the fort or the flag of his government." 
Within one hour after receiving this communication — 
3.20 A.M. — General Beauregard notified Major Anderson 



SURRENDER OF FORT SUMTER. 32 1 

that he would open the fire of his batteries upon Fort 
Sumter in one hour from that time. 

It was known to the Confederate government that 
instructions were already issued to Major Anderson to 
hold Fort Sumter, and that additional suppHes were 
momentarily expected by that officer to arrive ; and that 
any attempt to introduce the supplies would compel the 
opening of the fire upon the vessels bearing them under 
the flag of the United States. It was plain that Major 
Anderson's conditions could not be accepted. 

The decision of the government at Washington to hold 
Fort Sumter after South Carolina had by a solemn ordi- 
nance of secession withdrawn from the Union, precipi- 
tated the war that followed. The sending of a fleet with 
arms, supplies, and men to reinforce the fort held by 
Major Anderson, who was ordered to hold it to the last, 
was an act of war. 

General Beauregard met the threatened assault with 
prompt decision, and proceeded to carry out the orders 
received from the government at Montgomery. The 
batteries under his command opened their fire upon Fort 
Sumter at half-past four o'clock in the morning, April 12, 
1861. Major Anderson responded with the guns of the 
fort. A terrific bombardment followed, which continued 
through the day and the night ; the guns of large calibre 
used on both sides were effective, and in the course of 
thirty-four hours the fort, having been shattered by shot, 
was set on fire by shells. 

Major Anderson could resist no longer ; he surrendered 
the fort on the 13th of April, after a defence which 
heightened his reputation as a man and an officer. The 
terms were accorded to him which had been offered by 
General Beauregard in his note of April nth demanding 
an evacuation of the fort. It is remarkable that not a 
casualty occurred to any one on either side during this 
great engagement. After the surrender of the fort, by 



322 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

the explosion of a gun used in the firing of a salute to the 
United States flag by the garrison, one man was killed 
and several others wounded. 

The fleet sent to reinforce Major Anderson took no 
part in the engagement ; it had been lying off the mouth 
of the harbor, and was hindered entering by a gale of 
wind. 

General Beauregard immediately placed a strong garri- 
son in Fort Sumter, and strengthened the fort so that it 
defied assault. It was held by the Confederate garrison, 
notwithstanding the bombardments made against it more 
than once by the heavily armed fleets of the United 
States, until the close of the war. 

This momentous event, an account of which was trans- 
mitted by telegraph from Charleston to all parts of the 
country, created the greatest excitement. The demonstra- 
tions of joy in Charleston expressed the exultation of the 
people. Governor Pickens addressed a great crowd as- 
sembled in a speech which aroused their enthusiasm to 
the highest pitch. He said : 

" We have humbled the flag of the United States. We have 
defeated their twenty millions ; we have brought down in 
humility the flag that has triumphed for seventy years ; to- 
day, on this 13th day of April, it has been humbled, and 
humbled before the glorious little State of South Carolina." 

The government at Montgomery was greatly elated by 
the triumph ; splendid demonstrations of joy were made 
by the people. I observed the scene, and was impressed 
by the display of popular enthusiasm. 

Mr. Walker, Secretary of War, addressed the people in 
glowing terms, and predicted the complete success of the 
revolution which had commenced, and which had just 
achieved such a signal triumph. The government at 
Washington acted promptly upon receiving an account of 



SECESSION OF VIRGINIA. 323 

what had occurred. President Lincoln issued a proclama- 
tion calling forth the militia of the several States of the 
Union to the aggregate number of seventy-five thousand, 
in order to suppress the combination, which he said had 
been made, and to cause the laws to be duly executed. 
He commanded the persons composing the combinations 
to disperse, and retire peaceably to their respective abodes 
within twenty days. He called both Houses of Congress 
to convene in their respective chambers at 12 o'clock 
noon, on Thursday, the following 4th of July. Great 
meetings were held in the large cities of the North, and 
the call of President Lincoln for troops was promptly 
responded to by the governors of the Northern States. 
The North was thoroughly roused. But the governors of 
the border States replied to the requisition for troops in 
terms of defiance, and refused to furnish any. The fight 
at Sumter produced a great effect ; and several States 
which had up to that time declined to secede from the 
Union promptly took steps for the accomplishment of 
that object. 

The Virginia convention, a few days previously, had 
refused to pass an ordinance of secession. On the 17th 
of April, four days after the bombardment of Fort Sum- 
ter, the same convention, by a vote of 88 to 55, declared 
its independence of the Union, and its adherence to the 
Southern Confederacy. 

Mr. Stephens, Vice-President of the Confederate govern- 
ment, was in Richmond as a commissioner from his gov- 
ernment, and had exerted all his power to induce Virginia 
to join the Southern Confederacy. 

Hitherto I had taken no part in the measures which 
resulted in the secession of Alabama, nor in the sub- 
sequent proceedings of the Confederate government. In 
full sympathy with the South, it was understood that I 
was opposed to the steps which had been taken. My in- 
tercourse with President Davis and the members of his 



324 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

Cabinet, and other leading statesmen of the Confederacy 
was free and cordial, but I took no part in public affairs. 

The purpose of President Lincoln to coerce the seceding 
States into obedience to the authority of the federal 
government was now revealed. Without awaiting the 
assembling of Congress he assumed the right to raise an 
army for the invasion of the Southern States. He pro- 
posed to make war upon the States that had in conven- 
tions of their people decided to withdraw from the 
Union, and to organize an independent government, 
upon the ground that it was his duty to suppress an 
insurrection. 

I regarded this as an act in flagrant violation of the 
Constitution. This usurpation of authority was in conflict 
with the principles of free government and the spirit of 
our institutions. The history of the federal government 
showed that its framers had not only not conferred this 
power upon the President, but had withheld it even from 
Congress when it had been proposed to grant it. 

The crisis called for statesmanship of the highest order. 
The situation which confronted the new administration at 
Washington required the adoption of measures in accord- 
dance with the spirit of the American government ; not a 
rash and imperious act of usurped authority, such as might 
have been expected from the absolute ruler of a despotic 
state. 

The crisis involved the stability of free institutions on 
this continent. It seemed to me that it was an occasion 
which called for forbearance, and a consultation with the 
leading statesmen of all sections upon the state of the 
country. A convention of all the States should have 
been called with a view to the adjustment of the great 
conflict, and the adoption of measures for the perpetuity 
of friendly relations between the States for the future. 
I firmly believed that everything could have been settled 
upon terms honorable to the South and satisfactory to the 



INTERVIEW WITH MR. DAVIS. 325 

North, which would have strengthened the government 
of the United States for all time to come. 

I was seated in my library writing, when I received a 
note from the Honorable L. P. Walker, Secretary of War, 
stating that the President desired an interview with me. 
I had not the slightest idea that I should be invited by 
the President to confer with him, and was therefore 
unable to conjecture what object he might have in view. 
I walked to the public buildings, and was shown into an 
audience room, adjoining that in which the sessions of 
the Cabinet were held. Mr. Davis was awaiting me, and 
received me with an expression of gratification, that I 
had accepted his invitation. He then said to me that 
Mr. Stephens had consented to go to Richmond to repre- 
sent the Confederate government, and present consid- 
erations to the Virginia convention, which might induce 
that body to hesitate no longer in withdrawing from the 
Union. 

Tennessee was another border State which it was im- 
portant to have in co-operation with us. A short time 
since a commissioner had been sent to Nashville, to pre- 
sent considerations which it was hoped might effect that 
object ; but nothing was accomplished. He then informed 
me that it was believed that the late act of the President 
of the United States, in proposing to raise an armed force 
for the invasion of the seceding States, would induce me to 
consent to serve the Confederate government. He was 
acquainted with my relations with the leading men of 
Tennessee, and it was his wish that I should proceed 
promptly to Nashville, as the representative of the gov- 
ernment. I replied that it was well understood that my 
opposition to the secession of Alabama was based upon 
considerations that seemed to me controlling at that time ; 
that the situation had undergone a great change, and that 
I was ready to serve the Confederate States government 
if I could do so. As to the mission to Tennessee, which 



326 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

it was proposed to offer me, I regarded it as honorable, 
but full of responsibility ; if, in the judgment of the gov- 
ernment, it should be decided to authorize me to repre- 
sent it in Nashville, I should certainly do so. Mr. Davis 
expressed his great gratification, shook me cordially by 
the hand, and invited me to enter the next room, where 
the Cabinet was holding a meeting. I was invited to be 
seated, and we proceeded to discuss the situation. The 
President asked me when it would suit me to leave for 
Nashville, I replied : " To-morrow morning." He said : 
" Can you not go to-night, the legislature of Tennessee is 
in session ? Honorable Mr. Whitthorne, Speaker of the 
House, is in the city ; he leaves to-night, and I shall be 
glad if you will accompany him." I replied : " I will go 
to-night, Mr. President." 

The necessary papers were prepared at once : the object 
of my mission, instructions as to my course, and a state- 
ment of the resources of the Confederate government. 
These having been delivered to me in the course of the 
evening, I set out that night upon my important mission. 

When I arrived in Nashville I was received by Governor 
Isham G. Harris with great warmth ; he expressed his 
satisfaction that I had consented to come as the commis- 
sioner of the Confederate States, and assured me that he 
believed that Tennessee would promptly take steps to 
withdraw from the Union. Governor Harris immediately 
addressed a message to the legislature, informing them 
of my arrival, and expressed a wish that I should be 
received, and an opportunity should be given to me to 
explain the objects of my mission. Both houses of the 
legislature adopted proper resolutions, and invited me to 
address them the next day. In company with Governor 
Harris and several other gentlemen of distinction, I pro- 
ceeded to the Capitol at the hour appointed, and was 
escorted to the Hall of Representatives, where I found 
the Senate also present, ready to receive me. An immense 



ADDRESS TO THE TENNESSEE LEGISLATURE. 327 

audience had assembled, and I was greeted with applause 
which satisfied me of the enthusiasm of those who had 
come to hear me speak as the representative of the Con- 
federate States. Having been introduced, I proceeded to 
address the assembled legislature, setting forth the objects 
of the Confederate government in empowering me to visit 
Nashville. I delivered a full speech, calling attention to the 
state of the country, and expressing my earnest desire 
that Tennessee should co-operate with the seceding States 
which had organized a government at Montgomery. In 
the course of my speech I stated that the time had come 
for Tennessee to decide the great question, whether she 
would remain a member of the Union and give her sup- 
port to measures projected by the President for bringing 
the several States that had already seceded into obedience 
to the federal government ; or, whether she would take 
her stand with her kindred people who had organized an 
independent government for the protection of their 
rights. I denounced in strong terms the act of President 
Lincoln in issuing a proclamation calling for troops with 
which he proposed to invade the States that had with- 
drawn from the Union, and declaring his purpose of treat- 
ing them as insurgents. I said : 

" Gentlemen, it is no longer a question of secession ; several 
States have already taken that step ; the time is at hand when 
a great battle is to be fought in vindication of constitutional 
liberty. The President of the United States has usurped the 
authority to make war, and he proposes to march an army into 
the Southern States upon the ground that it is his duty to sup- 
press an insurrection. It is for Tennessee to decide on which 
side she will take her stand ; whether she will contribute her 
strength to uphold a government that transcends in its action 
the principles of the Constitution, and undertakes to define its 
authority over States, and to enforce it by arms — or whether 
she will range herself by the side of that new government 
which has been instituted in defence of constitutional law, the 



328 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

public right, and the honor of the South. Virginia, confront- 
ing the approaching invasion, has just thrown down her gage 
of battle, shouting out in the spirit of revolutionary times ' Sic 
semper tyrannis.' Will Tennessee, with her heroic sons, 
whose battles and victories have illustrated the State, join us, 
and help us to repel an invasion which is monstrous on this 
continent, and in this nineteenth century ? Every considera- 
tion appeals to you to range yourselves by our side." 

I proceeded to present, for the consideration of the 
legislature, a statement of our plans and purposes, and 
concluded by saying that if the federal government 
should succeed in overrunning the Southern States with 
an invading army, and subject them once more to its 
authority, I saw but little hope for constitutional liberty. 

At the conclusion of my speech I was greeted on all 
sides by leading men who were present, in terms which 
gratified me beyond expression. 

I called on Mrs. Polk, and was warmly welcomed. I 
had known her at Washington when she graced the 
Executive Mansion during President Polk's administra- 
tion ; and while I was a member of Congress from Ala- 
bama. She still retained a blended dignity and warmth 
of manner which distinguished her in the White House, 
and made her elegant mansion in Nashville a place which 
attracted visitors from all parts of the country. She 
honored me with attentions, and put her carriage at my 
disposal, sending it to me in charge of the coachman who 
had been in the service of President Polk in Washington. 

It was important to enter into an agreement regulating 
the relations between Tennessee and the Confederate 
States, until the ordinance of secession, submitted to the 
people, should be ratified. 

The legislature by joint resolution directed the Gov- 
ernor to enter into such alliance. Governor Harris 
appointed three distinguished gentlemen of the State to 
negotiate with me — Archibald O. Totten, of the Supreme 



TENNESSEE SECEDES FROM THE UNION. 329 

Court, Honorable Washington Barrow, and Honorable 
Gustavus A. Henry. On May 7th, an alliance was entered 
into by us on the same plan as that which had been made 
with Virginia ; which was submitted to the legislature by 
the Governor. It was ratified by both houses ; in the 
Senate by a vote of 14 to 6 ; in the House by a vote 
of 42 in its favor to 15 against it. On the day pre- 
vious the legislature had passed an ordinance of seces- 
sion to be submitted to the people for ratification ; a 
return of the votes cast to be made to the Secretary 
of State on the 24th of June ensuing; and if a majority 
of the votes were given in favor of it, the Governor 
should immediately issue his proclamation declaring all 
connection between the State of Tennessee and the 
federal government dissolved, and that Tennessee is a 
free and independent government — free from all obliga- 
tions to, or connection with, the government of the 
United States. The act further set forth specifically an 
ordinance for the adoption of the constitution of the 
provisional government of the Confederate States, pro- 
viding for " representation in the Confederate Congress." 
It also provided for the election of delegates to the 
Confederate Congress in case the provisional constitu- 
tion should be adopted by the popular vote. The act 
passed the Senate by a vote of 24 yeas to 4 nays, and 
passed the House by a vote of 46 yeas to 24 nays. 

The majority in favor of both ordinances so set forth 
in the act of the legislature submitting them to a vote 
of the people was 57,665. 

A full delegation was also chosen to represent the State 
in the Confederate Congress. 

When it was known in Nashville that the legislature 
had passed acts proposing that Tennessee should secede 
from the Union, the demonstrations of popular joy were 
great. In the evening the city was illuminated, and 
bonfires blazed at several places. Entering a carriage 



330 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

with Governor Harris, we drove from place to place, and 
made brief addresses to the people. It was a brilliant 
scene, which will never be forgotten by those who wit- 
nessed it. 

Returning to Montgomery, I called on the President 
and reported the result of my mission to Tennessee. He 
congratulated me, and said : " Mr. Hilliard, you have 
transcended my expectations." 




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CHAPTER XXVII. 

State of the Country — Session of Congress at Montgomery, April 2g, i86l^ 
President Davis' Message — Patriotic Ardor in Support of the Govern- 
ment — North Carolina — Arkansas — Robert E. Lee — Albert Sidney 
Johnston — Removal of the Seat of Government to Richmond — Visit 
to Richmond — Battle of Manassas — War — President Lincoln's Eman- 
cipation Proclamation — General Lee's Surrender — General Grant — 
General Joseph E. Johnston's Surrender — General Sherman — Fall of 
the Confederate Government — Principles Involved in the Struggle. 

The government of the United States and the govern- 
ment of the Confederate States confronted each other. 

In response to the call of President Lincoln for troops, 
active military preparations were made for an invasion of 
the Southern States. 

President Davis called a meeting of Congress at Mont- 
gomery on April 29, 1861. In his message he called 
attention to the proclamation of the President of the 
United States, saying: 

" Apparently contradictory as are the terms of this singular 
document, one point is unmistakably evident. The President 
of the United States calls for an army of seventy-five thou- 
sand men, whose first service is to be the capture of our forts. 
It is a plain declaration of war which I am not at liberty to 
disregard because of my knowledge that under the Consti- 
tution of the United States the President is usurping a power 
granted exclusively to Congress." 

331 



332 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

After bringing to view the state of the country, he said 
in conclusion : 

" We protest solemnly, in the face of mankind, that we de- 
sire peace at any sacrifice save that of honor. In independence 
we seek no conquest, no aggrandizement, no concession of any 
kind from the States from which we have lately been con- 
federated." 

He declared that the purpose of the Confederate 
government was to resist an attempt at its subjugation 
by arms : 

" The moment that this pretension is abandoned the sword 
will drop from our grasp, and we shall be ready to enter into 
treaties of amity and commerce that cannot but be mutually 
beneficial. So long as this pretension is maintained, with a 
firm reliance on that Divine Power which covers with its 
protection the just cause, we must continue to struggle for our 
inherent right to freedom, independence, and self-govern- 
ment." 

Congress passed acts authorizing the President to use 
the whole land and naval forces to meet the necessities of 
the war thus commenced ; to issue to private armed ves- 
sels letters of marque, in addition to the volunteer force 
authorized to be raised ; to accept services of volunteers 
to serve during the war ; to receive into the service various 
companies of the different arms ; to make a loan of fifty 
millions of dollars in bonds and notes ; and to hold an 
election for officers of the permanent government under 
the new constitution. An act was passed to complete 
the internal organization of the government and to estab- 
lish the administration of public affairs. 

Patriotic ardor in support of the new government was 
everywhere exhibited ; a greater number of troops than 
had been called for offered their services ; and arms could 
not at that time be supplied to them ; but the most active 
measures were adopted to obtain them. 



PREPARATION AGAINST INVASION. 333 

The attempt to coerce the States into obedience to the 
federal government by an invading army resulted in 
bringing many of the friends of the Union to the support 
of the Confederate government. Virginia and Tennessee 
had already taken steps to withdraw from the Union. 
North Carolina and Arkansas declared their independence 
and joined the Confederate States. Men of the highest 
order throughout the country, distinguished for their 
loyalty and their patriotic services, came to the aid of the 
government which had just been organized in defence of 
their principles and the doctrines of the Declaration of In- 
dependence. Like Hampden, who loved the government 
and cherished its glorious history — the greatest and freest 
in the world — but who took up arms to defend the liberties 
of the people of England against the perversion of its pow- 
ers by the reigning monarch, they came to the support of 
the Confederate government in its resistance to the threat- 
ened invasion. They felt as Lord Chatham did — that to 
resist the usurpation of powers of the government was a 
duty, and to aid those who had ranged themselves for the 
defence of the liberties of the people was a patriotic act. 

Robert E. Lee resigned his commission in the United 
States army and tendered his services to Virginia ; he was 
made commander-in-chief of the military and naval forces 
of the commonwealth. 

General Albert Sidney Johnston, whose services had 
won for him great distinction in the United States army, 
and whose qualities made him the peer of any military 
commander in the world, then in command of the De- 
partment of California, resigned his commission and 
travelled by land from San Francisco to Richmond to 
tender his services to the Confederate States. 

The Confederate Congress in session at Montgomery, 
on the 2ist of May, 1861, resolved "That this Congress 
will adjourn on Tuesday next to meet again on the 20th 
day of July at Richmond, Virginia." 



334 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

About this time I was called to Richmond to visit my 
youngest son, Camillus B. Hilliard, who had a short time 
before returned from Europe, and had been appointed 
assistant surgeon in the Confederate army. He had 
attended three courses of lectures, and had received his 
degree at Philadelphia, but wishing to pursue his studies in 
Paris he had gone to that city in i860, where he remained 
until the early part of 1861. Mrs. Hilliard accompanied 
me, and we found our son extremely ill ; it was several 
weeks before he recovered. He entered again upon his 
duties, and soon advanced to the rank of surgeon, a post 
which he held until the end of the war. 

In pursuance of its resolutions Congress assembled at 
Richmond on the day appointed, and President Davis 
delivered a message in which he stated that the aggressive 
movement of the enemy required prompt and energetic 
action. 

I passed some months in Richmond, and was deeply 
interested in the important events which occurred at that 
time. 

The first great battle between the army of the United 
States and that of the Confederate States occurred at 
Manassas, July 21, 1861. The United States forces were 
under the command of General McDowell, and those of 
the Confederate army under the command of General 
Joseph E. Johnston and General Beauregard. The battle 
began before daybreak on the morning of the 21st, and 
continued until the afternoon of that day ; great gallantry 
being displayed by officers and men on both sides. A 
writer, whose account seems authentic, says: 

*' At four o'clock the advantage seemed clearly on the Union 
side ; McDowell ordered an attack upon the centre, which he 
hoped would decide the day. But at the very moment his 
whole right came rushing down in confusion. The Confeder- 
ates had struck a blow upon an unexpected quarter. Ever 



THE FIRST GREAT BATTLE OF THE WAR. 335 

since noon Beauregard had commanded on the plateau, while 
Johnston took a post in the rear, from which he could over- 
look the whole field, and direct the reinforcements as they 
came up. At two o'clock Kirby Smith's brigade, which had 
been left behind the previous day, came in sight. Johnston 
hurried up every regiment ; some were sent to strengthen 
Beauregard's line, which began to advance ; others, with 
Smith's brigade, were hurled upon the flank and rear of the 
Union right, which was driven in upon the centre, now moving 
to attack. In a quarter of an hour all was over. The plateau 
was swept clear, and the whole Union army streamed wildly 
back towards the bridge and fords. The eight companies of 
regulars alone kept anything like military order. In retreating 
they presented a firm front, and checked the pursuit until the 
fugitives had gained a fair start. The Confederate infantry 
was in no condition to make a vigorous pursuit ; half of them 
had been engaged for hours, and the rest were exhausted by 
long marches. Some regiments pursued for a mile and were 
then recalled ; only a few hundred cavalry and a light battery 
keeping up the chase. By one route or another the fugitives 
crossed Bull Run and reached the turnpike leading to Centre- 
ville. This was crossed by a brook over which was a narrow 
wooden bridge. A crowd of sightseers from Washington had 
come thus far in carriages and on horseback, to look upon a 
battle which they had been told was already a victory. A 
cannon shot overturned a caisson which was crossing the 
bridge and blocked the way. The artillery horses were cut 
from their traces, and the drivers, mounting, rode from the 
throng. Finally the crowd got over the stream, some by the 
bridge, others by wading, and hurried to Centreville, where 
Miles' division had remained all day. The pursuing horsemen 
were checked by the sight of a regiment of these drawn up 
across the road. It was now evening. A hurried council of 
war was held and it was determined to fall back to Washing- 
ton, but the routed regiments were already on their way, and 
reached the capital before daylight next morning. In six 
hours of darkness they had traversed the distance which it had 
taken them forty hours to accomplish in their advance." 



336 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

There was great exultation in Richmond when the news 
of this battle was received. Couriers came, and cavalry 
officers, giving full accounts of the engagement. The 
next day the body of General Bernard Bee, of South 
Carolina — that fine officer who, observing the steadiness 
of General Jackson's regiment in the battle, said to his 
aides : " Look at Jackson ; his command stands like a stone 
wall," giving that commander a name which will never 
perish — was brought in. The body of Colonel Bartow, of 
Savannah, who had commanded a Georgia regiment, also 
was brought in. They were both placed in the Capitol at 
Richmond, where for some time they lay in state. 

I do not propose to give an account of the military 
events which occurred from the victory at Manassas to 
the surrender at Appomattox. For years a storm of war 
swept over the country, in which great forms appeared 
struggling for the mastery — heroic men whose faces were 
lighted with patriotic ardor and high courage ; they will go 
down in history with brows encircled with laurel wreaths 
to meet the coming generations. They bore their part in 
the greatest civil war that the world ever saw ; and true 
men of all sections and all countries will unite in paying 
a tribute to their memory. America honors them as her 
sons, and the seasons as they pass in their ceaseless visits 
to our land shed their night dews and kindle their sun- 
beams upon the graves where they sleep. 

" How sleep the brave who sink to rest, 
By all their country's wishes blest ! 

There honor comes, a pilgrim gray, 
To bless the turf that wraps their clay ; 
And freedom shall awhile repair, 
To dwell a weeping hermit there ! " 

Collins. 

On the 1st of January, 1863, President Lincoln issued 
the emancipation proclamation that had been previously 
foreshadowed. It proclaimed that : 



THE EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION. 337 

" All persons held as slaves within any State, or designated 
part of a State, the people whereof should then be in rebellion, 
should be then, thenceforward, and forever free, and the execu- 
tive government, including the military and naval authority 
thereof, would maintain such freedom." 

This paper was as momentous as a great battle. It 
startled the country — it attracted the attention of the 
civilized world. It was a bold usurpation of power that 
gave a shock to our system of free government. It is 
understood that Mr. Lincoln had repeatedly declared that 
he had no rightful authority to issue such an order. He 
resisted the importunities of impatient anti-slavery men 
for months. But when he looked out upon great con- 
tending armies struggling with each other, he believed 
that the existence of the Union was imperilled, and he 
decided to issue that important paper as a war measure. 
He undertook to annul valid laws of States regulating 
the domestic relations of their people — States which he 
declared to be still within the Union. Light is shed upon 
his motives by the statements which he made both before 
and after he issued the proclamation. In a public tele- 
graphic dispatch addressed to Horace Greeley — a great 
force in the anti-slavery movement, — on August 22, 1862, 
he said : 

" My paramount object is to save the Union, and not either 
to save or destroy slavery. If I could save the Union without 
freeing any slave, I would do it ; if I could save it by freeing 
all the slaves, I would do it ; and if I could save it by freeing 
some and leaving others alone, I would also do that. What I 
do about slavery and the colored race I do because I believe 
it helps to save this Union ; and what I forbear, I forbear 
because I do not believe it will help to save the Union. I 
shall do less whenever I shall believe what I am doing hurts 
the cause ; and I shall do more whenever I believe doing more 
will help the cause." 



338 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

In February, 1865, at Hampton Roads conference, 
where he appeared with Mr. Seward to meet the com- 
missioners appointed by the Confederate government, he 
spoke freely in regard to this subject. Honorable Alex- 
ander H. Stephens says : 

" He (the President) went into a prolonged course of re- 
marks about the proclamation. He said it was not his inten- 
tion in the beginning to interfere with slavery in the States ; 
that he never would have done it, if he had not been compelled 
by necessity to do it, to maintain the Union ; that he had 
hesitated for some time, and had resorted to this measure only 
when driven to it by public necessity ; that he had been in 
favor of the general government prohibiting the extension of 
slavery into the Territories, but did not think that the govern- 
ment possessed power over it as a war measure ; and that he 
had always himself been in favor of emancipation, but not 
immediate emancipation even by the States. Many evils 
attending this appeared to him." 

Mr. Stephens continued : 

** After pausing for some time, his head rather bent down, as 
if in deep reflection while all were seated, he rose up and used 
these words, almost if not quite identical : * Stephens, if I were 
in Georgia and entertained the sentiments I do, though I sup- 
pose I should not be permitted to stay there long with them ; 
but if I resided in Georgia with my present sentiments, I tell 
you what I would do if I were in your place ; I would go 
home, and get the governor of the State to call the legislature 
together, and get them to recall all the State troops from the 
war ; elect senators and members to Congress, and ratify this 
constitutional amendment prospectively, so as to take effect — 
say in five years. Such a ratification would be valid in my 
opinion. I have looked into the subject, and think such a 
prospective ratification would be valid. Whatever may have 
been the views of your people before the war, they must be 
convinced now, that slavery is doomed. It cannot last long 



MR. LINCOLN'S VIEWS. 339 

in any event, and the best course, it seems to me, would be to 
adopt such a policy as would avoid, so far as possible, the evils 
of immediate emancipation. This would be my course if I 
were in your place.' " 

We comprehend, then, Mr. Lincoln's views when, from 
his standpoint, he issued the emancipation proclamation, 
he overrode the Constitution, annulled the laws of States, 
and undertook to set free immediately the slaves, notwith- 
standing the danger of a servile war in States of common 
origin, and occupied by kindred people. He asserted that 
he issued the proclamation as a war measure. 

In an interesting notice of Mr. Lincoln, by Honorable 
Joshua F. Speed, written December 6, 1866, he says: 

" My own opinion of the history of the emancipation proc- 
lamation is, that Mr. Lincoln foresaw the necessity for it long 
before he issued it. He was anxious to avoid it, and came to 
it only when he saw that the measure would subtract from its 
labor, and add to our army quite a number of good fighting 
men. I have heard of the charge of duplicity against him by 
certain Western members of Congress ; I never believed the 
charge, because he has told me from his own lips that the 
charge was false. I, who knew him so well, could never after 
that credit the report. At first I was opposed to the procla- 
mation, and so told him. I remember well our conversation on 
the subject. He seemed to treat it as certain, that I would 
recognize the wisdom of the act, when I should see the har- 
vest of good which we would ere long glean from it. In that 
conversation, he alluded to the incident in his life, long past, 
when he was so much depressed, that he almost contemplated 
suicide. At the time of his deep depression, he said to me, 
that he had done nothing to make any human being remember 
he had lived, and that to connect his name with the events 
transpiring in his own day and generation, and so impress 
himself upon them, as to link his name with something that 
would redound to the interest of his fellow-man, was what he 
desired to live for. He reminded me of that conversation, 



340 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

and said with earnest emphasis, ' I believe that in this measure 
[meaning his proclamation] my fondest hope will be realized.' 
Over twenty years had passed between the two conversations." 

The end of the great conflict was at hand. The 
Southern army after a long and heroic defence against 
overwhelming numbers could resist no longer. Its great 
leader, General Robert E. Lee, whose career shed new 
lustre upon the name of Virginia, and recalled memories 
of the glorious Revolutionary struggle, who had long 
been a conspicuous figure in the sight of the world, and 
who, though of our times, takes rank with the great cap- 
tains of antiquity, felt that it was due to his people and 
to the remnant of the gallant army that still surrounded 
him, to surrender the cause. 

On Sunday, the 2d of April, 1865, he sent a telegram 
to President Davis that he was about to withdraw from 
Petersburg. He had some time previously in an interview 
with Mr. Davis stated that his extended line of defence 
could not be much longer maintained. The President was 
in Saint Paul's Church in Richmond when General Lee's 
telegram was delivered to him ; he rose and quietly 
walked out of the church. He immediately proceeded to 
make preparation for the evacuation of Richmond. Gen- 
eral Lee withdrew his army from Petersburg and retired 
before General Grant's massive column, until he reached 
Appomattox Court House. On the evening of the 8th 
General Lee decided, after conference with his corps 
commanders, that he would make a stand if the state of 
his army was in a condition to do so. The reports 
brought in to him satisfied him that the time had come to 
surrender his army to General Grant. A communication, 
under a white flag, was made by General Lee to General 
Grant, inviting him to come to Appomattox where terms 
of surrender could be agreed upon. General Grant came 
promptly, and entering a room which had been prepared 



THE SURRENDER AT APPOMATTOX. 34I 

for their conference, the two Generals took their seats at 
a small table. General Lee opened the interview thus : 

" General, I deem it due to proper candor and frankness to 
say from the beginning of this interview that I am not willing 
even to discuss any terms of surrender inconsistent with the 
honor of my army which I am determined to maintain to the 
last." 

General Grant, appreciating the character of General 
Lee, replied : 

" I have no idea of proposing dishonorable terms. General, 
and I would be glad if you would state what you consider 
honorable terms." 

After a brief statement of the terms by General Lee upon 
which he was willing to surrender. General Grant expressed 
himself as satisfied with them, and they were formally 
reduced to writing. The terms agreed upon were honor- 
able to both parties, and illustrate the great qualities of 
the two commanders who arranged them. 

General Lee was firm ; General Grant was magnani- 
mous. They were representative men, and as they sat 
face to face they constituted a picture that will be his- 
toric ; they comprehended each other. 

General Grant addressed his communication, submitting 
the terms of settlement, to " General R. E. Lee, Com- 
manding Confederate States Army " ; and signed it " Very 
respectfully, U. S. Grant, Lt.-General," General Lee 
sent a prompt reply accepting the proposed terms. 

On April 18, 1865, near Durham Station in North Caro- 
lina a memorandum of agreement between General Joseph 
E. Johnston, commanding the Confederate army, and 
Major-General W. T. Sherman, commanding the army of 
the United States in North Carolina, was made, — liberal 
in its terms, and honorable to its great commanders. 

A patriotic spirit prompted these two important settle- 



342 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

ments ; they were characterized by an American tone, 
and they were worthy of the great commanders who had 
confronted each other in a gigantic civil war. 

The Confederate States government had fallen. The 
principles involved in the conflict were, on the one side 
the preservation of the Union ; and, on the other, the vin- 
dication of the right of the people of co-ordinate States 
to a full participation in the benefits of a common govern- 
ment. Questions affecting the interests, and exciting the 
passions of the people engaged on either side affected the 
conflict, but the great controlling principle asserted by the 
Southern States which had formed an independent gov- 
ernment was, that a State had the right under the Con- 
stitution to withdraw from the Union when, in the course 
of events, its people solemnly declared in convention that 
its interests demanded a separation. A strong anti-slavery 
sentiment prevailed at the North. In the South the peo- 
ple felt that the subordination of the negro race to the 
white race was absolutely essential for the maintenance of 
their system of civilization, — a system which existed pre- 
vious to the formation of the government, and recognized 
in the Constitution, which provided for a basis of repre- 
sentation of that servile class. 

We have emerged from a great civil war ; our political 
system is still a federal government composed of co-ordi- 
nate States ; the Union is to stand, and the Constitution 
is supreme. One flag known and honored by all nations 
under the whole heavens floats as our national ensign, 
from the Atlantic gilded with the morning beams of the 
sun, to the Pacific where he sheds his evening splendors 
upon that broad ocean. 



CHAPTER XXVIII. 

Assassination of President Lincoln — A National Calamity — The North and 
the South both Mourned his Death, and Paid Tributes to his INIemory — 
His Character — His Place in History — Accession of Andrew Johnson 
to the Presidency — Reconstruction Measures — Mr. Seward — Chief-Jus- 
tice Chase. 

The war was over. Peace returned to our land. 

President Lincoln made a brief visit to Richmond. The 
torch of the incendiary had done its work, and a great 
part of the beautiful city was in ruins. 

Returning to Washington, he received the gratulations 
of the nation. In the supreme hour of his triumph he 
fell by the hand of an assassin. He attended, by invita- 
tion, a performance in Ford's Theatre on the evening 
of April 14th, accompanied by Mrs. Lincoln and two 
guests. He entered the crowded theatre at 9.20 ; the 
audience rose and cheered enthusiastically as the presi- 
dential party passed to the " state box " reserved for 
them. 

At 10 o'clock John Wilkes Booth swiftly entered the 
box, and drawing a pistol, fired. The shot was fatal — the 
ball entered just behind Mr. Lincoln's left ear, and imme- 
diately produced complete unconsciousness. Springing 
upon the stage, he rushed across it, and escaped through 
a back door. The President was in his chair unconscious 
when Miss Laura Keene and others entered the box with 
water and stimulants. Medical aid soon came ; it was 
too late. The dying President was immediately carried 

343 



344 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

to a house opposite the theatre, where at 7.22 the next 
morning, the 15th of April, he expired. 

The event was tragic beyond description. It is stated 
that Mr. Lincoln had often said that he had a presenti- 
ment that he would rise to a high position and be sud- 
denly cut off ; but on this evening no cloud seemed to 
rest upon him. The heart of the nation was moved. The 
President, who only a few weeks before, on March 4th, 
standing in front of the Capitol, and for the second time 
inaugurated for his great ofifice, uttering words of kind- 
ness which will be ever memorable : " With malice 
toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the 
right, as God gives us to see the right, let us finish the 
work we are in ; to bind up the nation's wounds, to care 
for him who shall have borne the battle, and for his 
widow and orphans ; to do all which may achieve and 
cherish a just and a lasting peace among ourselves and all 
nations," — had been suddenly stricken down by the hand 
of an assassin. 

It was a national calamity. The North and the South 
mourned his death ; both paid tributes to his memory. 
Assassination never advances civilization ; it sometimes 
inflicts an irreparable injury upon public liberty. In the 
case of President Lincoln the country lost by his death 
the only man who could restore to it tranquillity. Many 
of the leaders of his party who surrounded him were 
inflamed with resentment against the South ; they dis- 
played neither statesmanship nor magnanimity. He alone 
could control his party ; he had their confidence, and 
they respected his views of public affairs. If he had 
lived the South would have found in him a statesman 
of broad views and a friendly spirit in the adjustment 
of the great questions which affected her relations to the 
government at the close of the war. No occurrence in 
our time had so affected the nation as the death of the 
President. 



TRIBUTE TO MR. LINCOLN. 345 

Among the tributes paid to him as he was borne from 
the capital to Springfield, where he was to be interred, 
was an eloquent discourse by Henry Ward Beecher, from 
which I quote a paragraph : 

"And now the martyr is moving in triumphal march, 
mightier than when living. The nation rises up at every 
stage of his coming. Cities and States are his pall-bearers, 
and the cannon speaks the hours with solemn progression. 
Dead, dead, dead, he yet speaketh. Is Washington dead ? 
Is Hampden dead ? Is any man who was ever fit to live 
dead ? Disenthralled of flesh, risen to the unobstructed 
sphere where passion never comes, he begins his illimitable 
work. His life is now grafted upon the Infinite, and will 
be fruitful, as no earthly life can be. Pass on, thou that hast 
overcome." 

Mr. Lincoln's character was not generally understood. 
Unfortunately for his fame his measures at the very be- 
ginning of his administration displayed a rash purpose to 
maintain the government by the usurpation of powers not 
granted in the Constitution. In the place of forbearance 
there was a call for an army of invasion. In the course 
of the great events that followed he seemed to have but 
one purpose — to overrun the South by powerful armies. 
That was his highest idea of statesmanship. Those who 
were nearest to him, some of his early friends, knew the 
kindliness of his nature. I knew him in Congress, where 
he served two sessions. We were both Whigs, and we 
occupied seats near each other. In our intercourse I 
found him agreeable and entertaining, exhibiting fine 
sense, his conversation sparkling with wit and his genial 
nature unfailing. In a contribution to a biography of Mr. 
Lincoln, which has recently been published. Honorable 
Joshua L. Speed gives an interesting notice of him. Mr. 
Speed states that after having done an act of marked 
kindness to two women who had come to him in the 



346 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

Executive Mansion with an entreaty for clemency he 
said : 

" That old lady was no counterfeit ; the mother spoke out 
in every feature in her face. It is more than one can often 
say that in doing right one has made two people happy in one 
day. Speed, die when I may, I want it said of me by those 
who know me best that I always plucked a thistle and planted 
a flower when I thought a flower would grow." 

The place which he will fill in history can be seen to- 
day ; twenty-five years have gone by since his death ; we 
can speak of him with calm frankness and perfect fairness. 
Egypt never judged her kings while they reigned, but 
passed upon them after death, giving them their true 
place in their successive dynasties. Mr. Lincoln _was an 
extraordinary man ; not educated in the schools where 
statesmen were taught, but in the walks where men are 
sometimes trained by the influences of actual life, by the 
law of natural development, until they attain a strength 
that fits them for the grandest achievements in the con- 
duct of human affairs. Such a man was Mr. Lincoln. 
The world is now acquainted with him. The emancipa- 
tion proclamation of President Lincoln was the act of his 
administration that won for him the applause of the 
world ; it made his name immortal. Disregarding the 
Constitution, annulling the laws of States, looking out 
upon the storm of war that raged about him, he stood 
up, and, in the presence of the nation, issued a decree 
giving liberty to millions of slaves. 

Andrew Johnson, the Vice-President, came to the presi- 
dency ; a great opportunity was before him, but he did 
not comprehend it. The times required statesmanship of 
the highest order. The States lately at war might have 
been reconciled upon terms that would have strengthened 
the Union, and have awakened the sentiments of loyalty 



RECONSTRUCTION MEASURES. 347 

to the government in the hearts of the people throughout 
the nation. The existing State governments should have 
been promptly recognized, and senators and representa- 
tives chosen by them should have been admitted in both 
houses of Congress. This policy had been foreshadowed 
by President Lincoln. The war was at an end ; the sev- 
eral ordinances of secession were declarations of inde- 
pendence to be upheld, if need be, upon the field of 
battle. The Confederate States had lost the great battle, 
and the States were still within the Union. They were 
treated as conquered provinces, and terms were named 
upon which they should be re-admitted to the Union. 
Never in the history of free governments had such a mis- 
take been made. 

Mr. Johnson's first blunder was his rejection of the 
settlement made between General Joseph E. Johnston 
and General Sherman. It verified the French proverb. 

A series of measures adopted by the new administration 
served to hinder the great work of national reconciliation. 
President Johnson made known the terms upon which he 
would grant a pardon to those who had resisted the gov- 
ernment ; and constructed a plan which was so full of the 
spirit of distrust and resentment as to make it similar to 
an act of pardon from Charles II. upon his restoration — 
that was offensive to Englishmen. Mr. Johnson's plan 
was unworthy of a President confronting the American 
people. Mr. Lincoln would have avoided all this and 
have controlled his party. Mr. Johnson had no influence 
with his party, and a great quarrel followed which came 
near unseating him. 

There were men like myself in the South who earnestly 
desired a restoration of the Union. Having known Mr. 
Seward in Congress, a Whig as I was, and in friendly in- 
tercourse with him, I wrote him in regard to that subject, 
and received the following reply : 



348 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

" Department of State, 
"Washington, io August, 1865. 
" To the Honorable 

Henry W. Hilliard. 
" My Dear Sir : 

" I have received your letter of the first of August, and I 
desire to lose no time in expressing my cordial agreement with 
you in the opinions you have expressed concerning the true 
policy of the hour and the ultimate destiny of the nation. 
What is now urgently wanted is the reorganization of society 
in the insurgent States upon such principles as will enable 
them to win back the confidence of the people who made the 
sacrifices required for the preservation of the national life. 
The country has indeed suffered much. It has suffered 
deeply in every part. But its life and its integrity of heart 
and even limb remains. It has escaped not only the evils of 
foreign intervention, but even the demoralization of foreign 
influence, and therefore it may well be believed to have been 
really strengthened rather than enfeebled by the trials through 
which it has passed. I am glad to learn that we are to have 
your co-operation in the work of reorganization and harmo- 
nizing, and I shall be happy to see you when you come to the 
capital. 

" With great regard and esteem, 
" Your obedient servant, 

"William H. Seward." 

Some few weeks later I visited Washington. A num- 
ber of Southern gentlemen were at the capital interview- 
ing the President, and submitting their applications for 
the pardon promised in his proclamation. The morning 
after my arrival I called at the White House, and found a 
large number awaiting a reception by the President. 
When his doors were thrown open he entered the large 
reception room and I advanced to a place near where the 
President was standing. He looked around, recognized 
me, and extended his hand, saying : " I am glad to see 
you." We entered into conversation and I informed him 



AN EVENING WITH MR. SEWARD. 349 

of the object of my visit. He suggested that I should 
leave my papers in the office of Mr. Speed, Attorney-Gen- 
eral, when, in due time, they would be submitted to him. 
I had served in Congress for some years with Mr. John- 
son, but had not met him since, and I was gratified at his 
cordial reception. Acting upon his suggestion I called 
at the office of the Attorney-General and left my applica- 
tion to be presented to the President. 

I called on the President next day, and he inquired if I 
intended to go farther North, and being informed that I 
wished to pass some few weeks in New York, he said that 
upon my return he would act on my case. 

I called on Mr. Seward at the State Department and 
was received with friendly warmth. Before taking leave 
he invited me to pass the evening with him. 

I found Miss Seward when I entered, and she continued 
to sit with us for some time after tea was served. The 
surroundings were familiar ; Mr. Seward occupied the 
house where I had my apartments when in Congress, — a 
handsome building near the White House. Mr. Seward 
entered into an extended conversation with me in regard 
to public affairs, and we both spoke with frankness of the 
state of the country. He spoke of Mr. Stephens, and 
seemed to distrust the authenticity of his speech at Savan- 
nah as to slavery being the corner-stone of the Confeder- 
ate government. There was not a word uttered during 
the evening which expressed an unfriendly feeling towards 
the South. He gave me an account of the assault made 
upon him by Payne on the night of Mr. Lincoln's assassi- 
nation. He had some days before been injured by a fall 
from his carriage and was in bed ; his son and one or two 
friends were seated in the room. Visitors were strictly 
excluded, and when Payne entered the resistance to him 
by his son disturbed him, but he did not change his posi- 
tion ; the bed was a very wide one and he was on the side 
farthest from the door. As Payne, raising his arm over 



35© POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

him laid the blade of his weapon on the side of his face, 
he saw that the sleeve of his coat was of Confederate 
gray ; the blade seemed cold, and then it rained, the 
blood from the wound producing that sensation. He was 
saved from assassination by the width of the bed and the 
exertions of those who held Payne, and who finally forced 
him out of the door. I was deeply interested in this 
vivid account of the escape of the great statesman from 
the murderous assault of an armed athlete. 

Upon my return to Washington from my visit to New 
York I found my friend, ex-Governor Herschel V. John- 
son, of Georgia, at Willard's Hotel, where I also stayed. 

The next day he called with me on the President. He 
informed me on the way that a new rule had been 
adopted, — a card placed on the table of the secretary by 
the visitor would bring prompt attention to the applica- 
tion by the President. 

A large party entered the reception room with us, and 
after placing my card on the secretary's table we waited 
for some time before we could speak with the President. 
He received me as before, and spoke of my visit to New 
York in terms of friendly interest. I said that in con- 
formity to his rule I had placed my card on the secre- 
tary's table, and hoped that it would receive early attention. 
Governor Johnson expressed his interest in me ; the Presi- 
dent smiled and said : " I was rather partial to Hilliard in 
Congress." I said : "Yes, we were good friends." Gov- 
ernor Johnson then remarked : " You had better pardon 
him ; I don't think he has done much harm." " Now," 
replied the President, " I know all about him." We took 
leave, impressed by the President's friendly disposition. 

Still the President would not allow my papers to be 
delivered to me. He held me responsible for my mission 
from the Confederate government to Tennessee, his own 
State. For weeks I waited his action ; I saw the applica- 
tion of others acted on favorably ; even General L. P. 



AT THE EXECUTIVE MANSION. 35 1 

Walker's, ex-Confederate Secretary of War, received early 
attention ; but while I was uniformly received cordially, 
the important document was withheld from me. At 
length I decided to wait no longer. At the expiration of 
some three weeks, on Saturday morning I called as usual 
at the Executive Mansion, but did not enter the reception 
room ; I sent in a note to the President, stating that I 
was about to return home, and requested immediate 
attention to my application. 

In about thirty minutes the President's secretary walked 
into the corridor where I was seated, and, coming to me, 
informed me that I would find the paper which I wished 
to receive at the Department of State. I called at the 
department and obtained it immediately. 

It was Saturday, and I proposed to leave Washington 
on Monday, to avoid travelling on Sunday. At the 
breakfast table Sunday morning a lady accompanied by 
her daughter took a seat near me. I recognized her as 
Mrs. Bayley, formerly the wife of Honorable Thomas H. 
Bayley, of Virginia ; she presented me to Miss Bayley, 
her daughter, and immediately requested me to accom- 
pany her the next morning on a visit to the President. 
She was now Mrs. Perkins, wife of a distinguished mem- 
ber of the Confederate Congress from Louisiana, a planter 
of great wealth, who, at the close of the war, had gone to 
Mexico to await the results. I could not decline her 
request. I recalled the time when I had intervened in 
behalf of General Bayley. 

On Monday morning I accompanied Mrs. Perkins to 
the Executive Mansion, and we had an interview with 
the President. Mrs. Perkins stated the object of her 
visit — to obtain a pardon for Mr, Perkins. The President 
asked : " Where is Mr. Perkins ? " " In Mexico," replied 
Mrs. Perkins. " Well," said the President, " he must come 
back to his flag." She then inquired if the President 
would grant him a pardon upon his return. He said, 



352 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

smiling : " You see what is going on here ; you must 
draw your own inferences." I then said to Mrs. Perkins 
that she could not expect the President to do more. 
We took leave, Mrs. Perkins much cheered with the 
President's words. 

The emancipation of the slave was the inevitable result 
of the war between the States. It was a great step in the 
march of civilization ; slavery was an anachronism in the 
nineteenth century ; its abolition was in harmony with 
the spirit of the age. 

The South is relieved of an incubus, and has advanced 
with the stride of a giant in the progress of the nations — 
in the development of a grander, truer, happier civiHzation. 
The emancipated slaves are secured, too, in the enjoy- 
ments of their rights under the law which grants them 
equal protection. 

It is yet to be seen how the measure granting them the 
ballot will work. It seemed to me that they should have 
been trained by a gradual method for the exercise of this 
great function. So far, it has disturbed the harmony of 
the races. No man is more sincerely the friend of the 
negro than myself ; my life has shown it ; but I firmly 
believe that the supremacy of the white race is absolutely 
essential to the existence of our social system in these 
Southern States. 

The framers of our government never provided for the 
admission of the negro race into any participation in its 
administration. I stated my objection to the measure, 
when it was projected, in a public letter. Chief-Justice 
Chase, my personal friend, undertook to convince me 
that my distrust of the measure was unfounded, and 
addressed a letter to me, which is published in his in- 
teresting biography. It expresses his views in a states- 
manlike manner, and, as he attached importance to the 
letter, I give it a place. 



LETTER FROM CHIEF-JUSTICE CHASE. 353 

** To Honorable Henry W. Milliard, 

etc., etc., etc. 

" Washington, April 27, 1868. 

"... Some days since I received, from an unknown 
hand, a paper containing a letter of yours, which I read with 
great interest. 

" My acquaintance with you when we were both in Congress 
— you in the House and I in the Senate — was very slight ; but, 
slight as it was, I take occasion from it to write you a few lines, 
suggested by your letter. 

" Ever since the war closed I have been very anxious for 
the earliest practicable ' restoration ' of the States of the 
South, to their proper relations to the other States of the 
Union. I adopt your own statement of the problem to be 
worked out, because I agree with you in the opinion, that 
these * States have never been other than States within the 
Union since they became parties to the federal government, 
and that the failure to maintain their assertions of indepen- 
dence in the conflict of arms which followed, left them States 
still within the Union.' 

" The point on which I probably differ from you is this : 
the people for whom and through whom these States were to 
be organized at the close of the war was not, as I think, the 
same people as that which existed in them when the war 
began. 

" In my judgment the refusal of the proprietary class, if it 
may be so called, to recognize this fact and its legitimate and 
indeed logical consequences, and the convictions of large 
majorities in the States which adhered to the national gov- 
ernment in respect to it, caused most of the trouble of the last 
three years. 

" I have not time to go at large into this subject, but I may 
say briefly, that emancipation came to be regarded by these 
majorities as a military necessity ; that the faith of the nation 
was pledged, by the proclamation of emancipation, to maintain 
the emancipated people in the possession and enjoyment of the 
freedom it conferred ; that to this end the amendment of the 
Constitution prohibiting slavery throughout the United States 



354 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

was proposed and ratified ; that, becoming freemen, the eman- 
cipated people became necessarily citizens ; and that as citi- 
zens they were entitled to be consulted in respect to reorgani- 
zation, and to the means of self-protection by suffrage. This 
is a very brief, but I think a perfectly correct statement of 
what may be called, for the sake of brevity, the Northern view 
of this matter. It would, perhaps, be more correct to call it 
the loyal view North and South, using the word loyal as dis- 
tinguishing the masses who support the national government 
from the masses who opposed it during the war. 

" Now the particular matter to which I wish to draw your 
attention is, whether policy and duty do not require the class 
which I have called proprietary, meaning thereby the educated 
and cultivated men of the South — whether property holders or 
not — to accept this view fully and act upon it. Is it possible 
to doubt that, had this view been accepted and acted upon 
three years ago, after the surrender of Lee and Johnston, the 
Southern States would have been richer to-day by hundreds of 
millions than they are, and that long ago, universal amnesty, 
and the removal of all disabilities would have prepared the 
hearts of men on both sides for a real Union ? Can it be a 
matter of question that the colored voters, finding in the edu- 
cated classes true friendship, evidenced by full recognition of 
their rights and practical acts of good-will, would have gladly 
given to those classes, substantially, their old lead in affairs, 
directed now, however, to union and not to disunion ; to the 
benefit of all, and not exclusively to the benefit of a class ? 

" I observe you say that the attempt to carry on the govern- 
ment with the privilege of universal suffrage incorporated as 
one of its elements, is full of danger. Danger is the condition 
of all governments ; because no form of government ensures 
wise and beneficent administration. But I beg you to con- 
sider, is there not a greater danger without than with universal 
suffrage ? You cannot make suffrage less than universal for 
the whites, and will not the attempt to discriminate excite such 
jealousies and ill-feeling as will postpone to the distant future 
what seems so essential, namely, the restoration of general 
good will, and bringing into lead the educated men and the 



THE STATUS OF THE NEGRO. 355 

men of property, and so securing the best and most beneficial 
administration of affairs for all classes ? take universal suffrage 
and universal amnesty, and all will be well. Can you, my 
dear sir, devote your fine powers to a better work than com- 
plete restoration on this basis ? . . . " 

Of course I do not look for any change in the status of 
the negro ; his right to the ballot will never be revoked, 
and he should be allowed to exercise the privilege con- 
ferred on him freely. 

The future of our country is full of promise ; the tone 
of our people is American, and the enlightening and 
elevating power of Christianity will exert still greater 
influence over our national life in the cycles that open 
before us. 




CHAPTER XXIX. 

President Hayes — Hon. Richard W. Thompson — Hon. William M. Evarts — 
Mission to Brazil — Steamer J?iissta — London — Paris — Stuttgart — Voy- 
age from Bordeaux to Rio de Janeiro — Arrival — First Impressions. 



President Hayes was inaugurated on Monday, March 
5, 1877. His address on the occasion was of a high order ; 
it was distinguished for its breadth of view and patriotic 
tone. It prepared the country for his statesmanHke course 
at the outset of his administration. 

He promptly removed the United States troops from 
the States where they had been in antagonism with the 
civil authority ; he recognized the right of local govern- 
ment ; and he adopted measures for the promotion of a 
speedy reconciliation between all sections of the Union. 

The supremacy of the Constitution was restored. 

He organized a Cabinet composed of statesmen of 
ability, character, and well-earned reputation. 

I made a visit to Washington shortly after Mr. Hayes 
entered upon his administration. I met him for the first 
time at a reception given by Mrs. Hayes, and was treated 
with consideration. Calling at the White House at an 
informal evening reception, I enjoyed a conversation with 
Mrs Hayes, and appreciated the manners and the qualities 
which already distinguished her, and which won for her, 
while she presided at the social entertainments given at 
the Executive Mansion, friends from all parts of the 
country, who then admired her, and who still revere her 
memory. 

356 



THE MISSION TO BRAZIL. 357 

Hon. Richard W. Thompson, Secretary of the Navy, 
was a friend whom I had known intimately when we 
served in Congress. We were Whigs, and attracted to 
each other by our strong sympathy upon other subjects. 
His abiHties won for him distinction, and his exalted 
character gave him a high rank in the country. Soon 
after my arrival in Washington, I passed an evening at 
Mr. Thompson's residence, and he informed me that the 
President would offer me a place in the diplomatic ser- 
vice. I had not said anything to the President in regard 
to an appointment under his administration, and was 
grateful for this unsolicited mark of his favor. Mr. 
Thompson made known to me the President's views, and 
proposed to accompany me to the Department of State, 
and introduce me to Mr. Evarts. 

The next morning we called on Mr. Evarts, and I was 
presented to him. The great reputation of the Secretary 
of State was of course well known to me, but I had 
not met him before. I appreciated the cordial recep- 
tion which he gave me. I had two interviews with him 
in regard to the mission which might be offered for my 
acceptance. After an extended conversation upon the sub- 
ject, it was understood that upon the return of the Hon. 
J. C. Bancroft Davis from Germany, I should be ap- 
pointed to succeed him ; he had given notice of his 
purpose to come home, but had not stated at what time 
he would relinquish his post. On a visit to Washington 
some time later, I was informed by Mr. Evarts that the 
mission to Germany was not yet vacant. He stated that 
the Minister to Brazil had forwarded his resignation, and 
suggested that I could be appointed to it, if I would 
accept it ; but that my ideas, he knew, were all European, 
and that the place might not be agreeable to me. He 
proposed that I should see the President. I called on the 
President immediately and made known to him what had 
occurred at the Department of State. He said he did not 



358 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

know when the mission to Berlin would be vacant ; but 
that my appointment to Brazil would be made immedi- 
ately if I would accept it. I said : '' Mr. President, ought 
I to accept it? " He replied that he did not like to speak 
for another man, but as a large number of Southern men 
had gone to Brazil at the close of the war, I might ren- 
der important service to the country by accepting the 
mission to Rio. I said that after having heard the ex- 
pression of his views in regard to the mission to Brazil, I 
could not hesitate to accept it. 

The appointment was promptly made, and returning 
home I made my arrangements for an early departure. 

I sailed with my family from New York in the steam- 
ship Russia of the Cunard Line, on a bright morning 
for Liverpool. It was not a new ship, but possessed 
certain advantages, and excluded steerage passengers. 
The captain had long experience in conducting a ship 
across the Atlantic ; he was second in command of the 
Columbia, on which I had made a voyage years before 
with Captain Judkins. Everything was auspicious ; the 
weather was fine ; we were on a summer sea ; and 
the passengers were agreeable people. Our two daugh- 
ters had never before been on the sea, but they were not 
much disturbed by the waves. The daily walk on the 
deck of the ship, and the cheerful surroundings, relieved 
the monotony of the voyage. 

A bright day welcomed us upon our arrival at Liver- 
pool, and we passed a few hours there in looking at 
some objects of interest. 

Our travel to London on the railway was pleasant ; the 
glimpses we caught of scenery — the fields rich with grain, 
the whole aspect of a country under fine cultivation — were 
enjoyed by us. As we approached London everything 
interested us ; and when we entered the great metropolis 
we felt that we were in a city full of attractions for us. 
We took apartments at the Charing Cross Hotel, and 



FROM LONDON TO PARIS. 359 

found it good. It was thoroughly English in all its 
appointments, and the ladies enjoyed it. I called at the 
banking-house of Messrs. Morton, Rose, & Co., the bankers 
of the United States in London, and had a most agree- 
able interview with them. 

Our sight-seeing in London was limited by the short 
time which we gave to it. To an American, Westminster 
Abbey is the most interesting place in London ; its his- 
toric glory, its mementos of monarchs, of the mighty 
dead who served the Church and the State, its scholars, 
its poets — all awaken emotions which no other spot in 
Europe can excite. 

Fine weather still favored us ; the travel to Dover, the 
brief run over the Channel, and the stepping on the soil 
of France were all enjoyed by us. As I landed at Calais 
an ofificial person in handsome uniform addressed me as 
"General," and asked if I were "English." I replied: 
" No, American ! " He gave me a military salute. It 
was an unexpected tribute to my soldierly appearance, 
and amused us as a mark of French politeness. The 
travel to Paris from Calais was delightful ; we saw France 
under its most pleasing aspect, and were much charmed 
by the expanding view of that beautiful country. Eng- 
land awakens in me emotions which no other country in 
the world can excite, outside of my own native land. I 
feel that I can claim a part in its glorious history ; its lan- 
guage, religion, law, are mine ; but I love France, and I 
find an unfailing interest in looking upon its sunny 
plains, and seeing its bright, cheerful people. To heighten 
the charm of the view an afternoon shower came up, and 
a resplendent rainbow spanned the fair fields through 
which we were passing. We reached Paris before sunset, 
and caught the first view of that beautiful city under 
a clear sky. We drove to the Hotel Meurice, and took 
apartments. This charming hotel is in the Rue de Rivoli, 
opposite the Gardens of the Tuileries, and I preferred it 



360 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

to any hotel in Europe. I was a guest there upon my 
first visit to Paris. 

We could not linger in that most attractive of all cities, 
proposing to make a later visit, and pass some time there. 
The view which the ladies caught of it was delightful. 

It was my purpose before leaving home to take my 
family to Stuttgart and arrange for a year's residence for 
them while I proceeded to Rio. In Paris I met Mr. 
Partridge, my predecessor at the court of Brazil ; he ex- 
pected me, and called on me promptly. He devoted 
his time to me and rendered important service in posting 
me as to affairs in Brazil, and in other ways. I informed 
him of my purpose to leave my family in Stuttgart ; he 
thoroughly approved it, and said that it would be well to 
arrange for their residence there during my stay at Rio. 
He informed me that several members of the Diplomatic 
Corps left their families in Europe. The climate at Rio 
at certain seasons of the year was such as to make it un- 
desirable as a residence. A leave of absence obtained 
from time to time would enable me to visit my family, 
who would in the meanwhile enjoy advantages which 
could not be secured in Brazil. 

After a brief but a very pleasant stay in Paris we pro- 
ceeded to Stuttgart. The travel from Paris to Stuttgart 
interested us. We had a view of Strasbourg, its grand 
cathedral rising before us with its lofty spire higher than 
the Great Pyramid of Egypt, and we crossed the Rhine. 

Stuttgart makes a fine impression on the visitor from 
the first hour of his arrival. Its railway station is mag- 
nificent, and it has one of the best hotels in Europe. 
This charming place, seated in the midst of vine-clad hills, 
possessed every advantage as a residence for Mrs. Hilliard 
and our daughters. As a school for music it is not 
excelled in Europe. I succeeded in making satisfactory 
arrangements for my family. Mr. Potter, our Consul, 
gave us his best services, and I found in Mr. Schulz, an 



ARRIVAL IN BRAZIL. 361 

eminent banker, a gentleman who undertook to provide 
facilities for meeting the requirements of Mrs. Hilliard 
during her stay. 

Returning to Paris, I found that I was too late to secure 
a passage in the French steamer for Rio. I engaged a 
passage in one of the ships of the Pacific Line of Royal 
Mail Steamers, which, leaving Liverpool, called at Bor- 
deaux for passengers. 

The voyage from Bordeaux to Rio was delightful. We 
called at Lisbon, and I was impressed by the magnificence 
of the view Avhich the city presented. It is a grand 
amphitheatre, spreading over hills, which are covered 
with palaces, churches, and private residences, constituting 
a beautiful picture. 

The ocean was tranquil, and day after day we enjoyed 
the voyage, which revealed to us, as we approached the 
coast of South America, scenery which was new to us, and 
in the full verdure of tropical luxuriance. At night the 
heavens were magnificent ; the constellations shone with 
a splendor that we had never before witnessed, and the 
unclouded firmament revealed to us its full beauty. 

Pernambuco was the first place we saw on the coast of 
Brazil ; its towers, and the domes of its public buildings, 
rising to view out of the water as we approached it. We 
did not enter the city ; it was inaccessible to our large 
ship. We had a view, far to the right, of Olinda, a beau- 
tiful suburb seated on a hill in the midst of palm trees and 
bananeiros. Its once famous law school, with its three 
hundred students, no longer exists. A natural reef pro- 
tects the harbor of Pernambuco, and those who visit it are 
taken in small boats through the rough sea to the city. 
Pernambuco is a place of commercial importance, and is 
the greatest sugar mart in Brazil. 

When we arrived at Bahia, a great city, the second in 
importance in the empire, we found that the French 
steamer, in which I so much desired to secure a passage, 



362 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

was a wreck. It had foundered on a rock near the en- 
trance of the harbor and sank so rapidly that the passen- 
gers barely escaped with their lives, losing not only their 
trunks, but their satchels — not even saving their jewelry. 
It was an impressive illustration of the truth so often 
shown us in life, that it is better to submit ourselves to the 
guidance of a Divine Providence than to undertake to 
shape our own ends. If I had been on board the French 
steamer I should have lost not only my valuables but the 
papers from my government which accredited me to the 
Imperial Government of Brazil. 

As we approached Rio de Janeiro the scenery which 
rose to view was surpassingly beautiful ; not only was the 
tropical verdure in perfection, but the whole aspect of the 
coast far transcended anything in sublimity that I had 
seen in any country. The morning was bright ; not a 
cloud shut out of view any point of the unrivalled picture 
that opened before us. There was a blended majesty and 
beauty — an expanding stretch of water, a range of moun- 
tains towering to great heights, on some sides precipitous 
and bare, and on others robed in the green verdure of 
the tropics. 

The Bay of Rio de Janeiro is the most beautiful in the 
world. The harbor is entered through a deep and narrow 
passage between two granite mountains, and yet the en- 
trance is so safe that the presence of a pilot is not re- 
quired. Gardner, an English botanist, gives a description 
of it: 

" It is quite impossible to express the feelings which arise 
in the mind while the eye surveys the beautiful, varied scenery 
which was disclosed on reaching the harbor — scenery which 
is perhaps unequalled on the face of the earth, and in the pro- 
duction of which nature seems to have exerted all her energies. 
Since then I have visited many places celebrated for their 
beauty and grandeur, but none of them have left a like im- 
pression on my mind. As far as the eye can reach lovely 



WELCOME AT RIO. 363 

little verdant and palm-clad islands were to be seen rising out 
of its dark bosom, while the hills and lofty mountains which 
surround it on all sides, gilded by the rays of the setting sun, 
formed a befitting frame for such a picture. 

Looking about you, after passing the narrow entrance, 
you see on the left the Sugar Loaf towering up twelve 
hundred feet in height, while the Corcavado, seen on the 
other side of the city, rises twenty-three hundred feet. 
In the distance, through an opening in the bay, the peaks 
of the Organ mountains rise into view. 

While our steamer awaited the visit of the officers 
whose business it is to inspect it, a number of Ameri- 
can residents at Rio engaged a boat, and decorating it 
with the United States flag, came on board to welcome 
me ; I was cheered by this warm welcome from my coun- 
trymen, and expressed my deep sense of their kind 
consideration. 

As I ascended the steps at the landing I was met by 
two gentlemen, Mr. Greenough and Colonel Shannon, who 
awaited me and gave me a reception, which was the begin- 
ning of a life-long friendship. 

When I entered the apartments reserved for me at the 
Hotel des Etrang^res I was surprised to see on the walls 
three portraits which interested me. One of General Wash- 
ington, one of King Leopold L of Belgium, and one of 
the Queen. The pictures seemed to welcome me. 




CHAPTER XXX. 

Palace of San Cristovao — Emperor and Empress — Colonel Richard Cutts 
Shannon — Imperial Family — Count Koskul, Russian Minister — Season 
in Rio — Tijuca — Mr. Gillett, Navy Agent — Mr. Midwood — Apartments 
in Rio — Mr. Wilson. 



The imperial palace of San Cristovdo is situated so 
beautifully that the spot where it stands is named Boa 
Vista. It is an impressive structure, and the views from 
it are charming. The approach to it reveals the mountain 
range of Tijuca behind it, crowned with the unchanging 
verdure of tropical scenery. 

Soon after my arrival in Rio I had an interview with the 
Minister of Foreign Affairs, and a day was appointed for 
my presentation to the Emperor. 

The evening was fine, and I drove to the palace accom- 
panied by Colonel Shannon, who had been Secretary 
of Legation under my predecessor, Mr. Partridge, but who 
had before my arrival resigned his post. He still resided 
in Rio, and was associated with Mr. Greenough, the 
founder of the Botanical Garden Railroad. I was so 
fortunate as to induce him to resume his functions in 
the absence of a secretary ; and his acquaintance with the 
court enabled him to render me important services. A 
scholarly, accomplished gentleman, no one could be better 
qualified for the place. 

Upon reaching the palace we were conducted to a large 
reception room, and awaited the time when I was to be 
presented to his Majesty. About the same time Mr. 

364 



PRESENTATION TO THE EMPEROR. 365 

Potestad, the newly appointed Spanish Minister, entered 
the room and awaited his presentation. I was soon in- 
formed that the Emperor would receive me, and we 
entered the Throne Room, where I was presented to 
his Majesty by the Minister of Foreign Affairs. The 
Emperor stood in front of the throne, and, accompanied 
by Colonel Shannon, I advanced, and being announced as 
the Minister of the United States of America, I addressed 
his Majesty, delivering a speech prepared for the occasion, 
without notes. I said : 

" Honored in having been chosen to represent the United 
States of America near the Imperial Government of Brazil, 
I come to give assurances to your Majesty of the warm friend- 
ship which the President entertains for you personally, and the 
earnest desire which he feels to draw still closer the ties which 
already bind the two great nations to each other. 

" The recent visit of your Majesty to our country has made 
you well known to our government and to our people, and it 
has heightened their respect and strengthened their regard for 
the ruler of this great Empire. Coming to us at a time when 
we were celebrating the one hundredth anniversary of our ex- 
istence as an independent government, we appreciated your in- 
terest in our growth as a nation, and the success of our free 
political institutions. 

" A deeper interest was given to your Majesty's visit by the 
presence of the Empress, who, when she left our shores, bore 
with her the warm regards of our whole people. 

*' The magnificent display, too, of the products and industry 
of Brazil, at the International Exhibition, has increased our 
desire to strengthen the commercial relations between the two 
countries, and we hope soon to witness an improvement in the 
means for the accomplishment of that object. Greater facili- 
ties for a rapid transit between the principal ports of the 
United States and those of Brazil are so important to the travel 
and trade of the two countries that they must soon be pro- 
vided. 



366 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

' It shall be my aim, while I have the honor to represent 
my country here, to contribute all that I can to strengthen 
the friendship that already exists between the United 
States and Brazil, and to promote the interests of both by 
encouraging a more active commercial intercourse between 
them. 

" There are considerations which make it most important to 
cultivate relations of perfect friendship. Occupying a large 
part of this American continent, we are charged with the 
grand interests of those who to-day live under the protection 
of the two governments, and with the destinies of coming 
generations. Separated from Europe by an ocean, we shall 
not be disturbed by the conflicting interests of their govern- 
ments, and we shall be able to co-operate with each other in 
the peaceful development of the vast resources which our 
countries contain. In the order of Providence, we are neigh- 
bors, and holding such relations, neither country can be 
indifferent to the growth, prosperity, and happiness of the 
other. Spreading out the map of the world, it is impossible 
to overlook the important relations which must ever exist 
between the United States and Brazil ; there can be no con- 
flict between their interests, and there should be as little 
restriction as possible on their trade. 

" I hope the coming centuries will witness the growth of 
both nations, not only in wealth and power, but in Christian 
civilization, and in the development of the principles of good 
government. 

" I have the honor to deliver to your Majesty a letter from 
the President of the United States, accrediting me as Envoy 
Extraordinary and Minister Pienipotentiary near your 
Majesty's Government." 

His Majesty replied in a brief speech of welcome, 
expressing his deep interest in the United States, and his 
consideration for me personally as the representative of 
its government. 

I bowed and left the Throne Room, going into the 
adjoining reception room. 



THE IMPERIAL FAMILY. 367 

The Minister of Spain was then presented to the 
Emperor, and deHvered his credentials. 

Presently his Majesty entered the reception room, and, 
coming to me, engaged for some time in friendly conver- 
sation. The appearance of the Emperor was impressive: 
his physique was magnificent, — upwards of six feet in 
height, and finely proportioned ; his head well developed, 
and his intellectual face expressive of generous qualities, 
gave him an air of distinction. 

Taking leave of me, he advanced to Mr. Potestad, the 
Spanish Minister. 

I was then conducted to the Empress, whose reception 
room was at the other end of the palace. Her Majesty 
received me graciously, standing and attended by two or 
three ladies of her court. Her appearance was pre- 
possessing, the face expressing amiable qualities, and her 
manner animated and pleasing. After a brief conversation 
with the Empress, I took leave. 

The imperial family was of great distinction on both 
sides. The Emperor's lineage embraces the Braganzas, 
the Bourbons, and the Hapsburgs. He is the son 
of Dom Pedro I., whose brilliant career displayed great 
qualities, and illustrated the history of Brazil and Por- 
tugal. He gave up two thrones, and was only in the 
forty-third year of his age at the time of his death. 
There were some striking incidents that preceded his 
abdication of the imperial throne in favor of his son. 
A violent, popular outbreak occurred ; a demand was 
made upon him for the reinstatement of a Cabinet 
he had dismissed ; he refused to yield, and exclaimed : 
" I will do everything for the people, but nothing by 
the people." The insurgent populace grew impatient ; 
the Emperor stood up firmly ; he was full of courage 
and dignity in vindicating his imperial authority under 
the constitution. At last, finding himself unsupported, 
at a late hour of the night, all alone, he wrote his abdica- 



368 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

tion, full of dignity, and delivered it to the messenger 
from the people. 

" Availing myself of the right which the Constitution con- 
cedes to me, I declare that I have voluntarily abdicated in 
favor of my dearly beloved and esteemed son, Dom Pedro 
de Alcantaro. 

"Boa Vista, 7th of April, 1831 ; tenth year of the Inde- 
pendence of the Empire." 

Soon after he embarked for Lisbon in the Warspite, an 
English line-of-battle ship, accompanied by the ladies of 
his family, the Empress — his second wife — daughter of 
Prince Eugene Beauharnais, and his eldest daughter, lately 
Queen of Portugal. 

The mother of Dom Pedro 11. was Leopold Dina, Arch- 
Duchess of Austria and sister of Maria Louisa, who mar- 
ried the Emperor Napoleon after his separation from 
Josephine. She was greatly beloved in Rio. 

The Empress, Donna Theresa, too, was of a family 
greatly distinguished. She was a daughter of his Majesty 
Francis L, King of the Two Sicilies. One of her sisters 
married a son of Charles X. of France, and another was 
the Queen of Spain. 

Dom Pedro IL was but five years of age at the time of 
his father's abdication, and a regency took charge of the 
government. In 1840 the regency was abolished, and 
the accession of Dom Pedro H. to the full exercise of his 
prerogative as an emperor was declared. His coronation 
took place with great splendor on July 18, 1841. 

The marriage of the young Emperor and the Princess 
Donna Theresa was solemnized at Naples in the spring 
of 1843, ^^d a Brazilian squadron, fitted up to conduct 
the Empress to her new home, arrived at Rio in Sep- 
tember. 

The Imperial Prince, Dom Affonso, was born in 1844, 
but died the next year. 



RESIDENCE IN RIO. 369 

The Princess Isabella was born in 1846, and in 1864 
was married to Prince Louis Philippe d'Orleans, Count 
d'Eu, the eldest son of the Duke de Nemours. 

The Princess Leopold Dina was born in 1847, ^^^^i 
married the Prince Auguste de Saxe-Coburg in 1864 ; she 
died in 1871, leaving four sons. 

The Princess Isabella was the presumptive heir to the 
throne, and was regent during the Emperor's absence 
from Brazil. At the time of my residence in Rio, Princess 
Isabella was the mother of two sons. She was recognized 
as a superior woman, handsome, accomplished, and full 
of character. 

Count Koskul, the Russian Minister, occupied apart- 
ments in the Hotel des Etrangers near my own. I was 
pleased with him at our first meeting, and our inter, 
course grew into friendly interest. A superior man, of 
fine attainments, agreeable manners, and a large acquaint- 
ance with the world, he always attracted me. We both 
felt that there could be no rivalry between us as the 
representatives of two great nations whose traditional 
friendship was well known. Like myself, the Count was 
alone, having left his wife in Europe, and we found our- 
selves constantly brought together. Our walks were 
cheered by each other's presence and conversation. 

I had arrived at Rio in October, and felt the heat even 
then oppressive. The seasons south of the equator are 
the reverse of ours in Europe and in the United States. 
The heated term in Rio begins in November and con- 
tinues until April, and at some seasons longer. It is not 
an agreeable or a safe residence during that term ; the 
yellow fever prevails. The imperial family pass the time 
in Petropolis, a beautiful place some thirty miles from the 
city in the midst of the mountains. The Diplomatic 
Corps and many of the wealthy citizens seek retreats 
either at Tijuca or Petropolis. I had made a visit to the 
family of Mr. Gillett at Tijuca, and found the place most 



370 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

attractive. The scenery is beautiful beyond description, 
the air fine, and the families, who live in tasteful and 
sometimes elegant homes, are people of culture and re- 
finement. I decided, therefore, to take apartments in an 
English hotel some two miles distant from Mr. Gillett's 
residence. Tijuca, though situated in the mountains, is 
only some ten miles distant from Rio, and is not regarded 
as a perfectly safe retreat. There is daily intercourse with 
the city, and one unconsciously loses his sense of danger 
by visits to a place where the deadly fever prevails. Still 
I was controlled by my inclinations rather than by my 
apprehension, and became a guest at the Estabelecimento 
White, as it was called. 

Mr. Francis Gillett was the United States Navy agent 
at Rio, where he had his ofifice, and which his clerks at- 
tended daily. But his residence was at Tijuca, and a 
more attractive place I do not know in Brazil. He was 
from Indiana, young, accomplished, with every good 
quality. His wife was a lovely woman and an admirable 
representative of our countrywomen, with the most 
pleasing manners, bright, hospitable, and true as a 
woman ever was. She had two daughters — one about 
seventeen, at home with her, and a younger one absent 
at school. It would not be too much to say that Mr. 
Gillett's home reminded me of Blennerhassett's described 
by Wirt in his splendid speech delivered on the trial 
of Burr. 

There was a young Englishman, Mr. Midwood, con- 
nected with one of the great commercial houses in Rio, 
in which his father, who resided in Birmingham, had a 
large interest, and he was engaged to Miss Gillett. 

At a dinner, given at Mr. Gillett's residence, where I 
was one of the invited guests, the engagement of the 
young people was announced. Everything was propitious. 
Week after week went by, and the coming wedding was 
delayed, awaiting the arrival of the Bishop of the Falk- 



SAD DEATHS FROM YELLOW FEVER. 37 1 

land Islands, whose diocese embraces Rio, and who was 
to solemnize the marriage. 

A sudden change came over this bright scene. About 
the middle of February, Mr, Gillett returned from a 
business meeting with an officer of the United States 
Navy in the evening, and was somewhat indisposed. His 
illness soon disclosed an attack of yellow fever, and in the 
course of two or three days he died. 

Mrs. Gillett, with her daughters, came to the hotel 
where I was residing, and passed some two weeks 
there. Mr. Midwood was already a guest there. Mrs. 
Gillett conferred with me in regard to the immediate 
marriage of Miss Gillett to Mr. Midwood ; and in view 
of the circumstances, I advised it. Her home had been 
thoroughly disinfected, and she returned to it. The day 
for the marriage at the English Church in Rio had been 
agreed on, and I was to give the bride away. I was pre- 
paring to take a carriage and call for the ladies at an 
early hour, when a gentleman called on me to say that 
Mr. Midwood was too ill to go to Rio that day. I went 
instantly to the apartment of Mr. Midwood, and found 
him much indisposed, and distressed at being unable to 
keep his engagement that morning. I said that I would 
call at once at Mrs. Gillett's, and arrange for a postpone- 
ment of the marriage until his convalescence. Miss Gillett, 
during our interview, controlled her emotions, and said 
that she would write a note to Mr. Midwood to cheer 
him, and hoped that he was not distressed by the temporary 
postponement. Her bearing was admirable, and height- 
ened my regard for her. Upon my return to the hotel, I 
called on Mr. Midwood to deliver the note, but he was 
too languid to read it. In the course of a day or two he 
died of yellow fever. 

Two days later, Mrs. Gillett followed Mr. Gillett and 
Mr. Midwood, all victims of that fatal fever which pre- 
vailed in Rio. 



372 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

This illustrates what occurs at some seasons in that 
great city, so rich in everything, and clothed with un- 
changing tropical verdure. 

There was an incident that heightened the dramatic 
effect of this scene. A brother of Mr. Midwood, who had 
come from England to be present at the marriage, was 
informed of his death before leaving the ship, and he de- 
clined to come ashore, but returned home in the ship that 
brought him over. 

Friends surrounded Miss Gillett and her sister, and did 
everything that they could to cheer them, — took them to 
their homes, and arrangements were made for their early 
return to the United States. 

In the course of a few weeks I returned to Rio, and 
engaged a suite of apartments in one of the most elegant 
and pleasant houses in the city, near the Hotel des 
Etrangers. 

Soon after my first arrival in Rio, I made the acquaint- 
ance of a gentleman to whom I was afterwards indebted 
for constant attentions during my residence there, and 
who entertained with unsurpassed elegance — Mr. Wilson. 
He called on me early, and I found in his beautiful home 
a place where, from time to time, I met some of the 
most agreeable people in the city. He was distinguished 
for his wealth and the elegant style in which he lived, and 
Mrs. Wilson and her daughters, who were greatly admired, 
made their home very attractive to their visitors. 



CHAPTER XXXI. 

Trade-Mark Treaty — Botanical Garden Railroad — Mr. Greenough — Even- 
ing at Mr. Wilson's — Madame Durand — Tamagno — Leave of Absence 
— Visit to Stuttgart — Return to Rio. 

At the time of my appointment to the mission of Brazil 
the importance of adopting measures for the encourage- 
ment of commercial relations between the United States 
and that country had engaged the attention of our gov- 
ernment. The great disproportion between the amount 
of our importations from Brazil and our exports to that 
country attracted the attention of the business men of the 
United States. They brought the subject to the notice 
of the administration, and an inquiry was set on foot to 
ascertain the causes which produced it. We purchased 
much the larger part of the coffee crop of Brazil, and an 
immense quantity of her india-rubber ; and yet England, 
through her great commercial establishments in the 
empire, supplied the people with products to an amount 
far in excess of those sent from the United States. It is 
stated that in 1878 the United States purchased one third 
of all the exports of Brazil, while our exports to that 
country did not amount to a seventh part of her 
imports. 

The cause which had injured the sale of our products 
in Brazil was clearly understood to be the counterfeit of 
American trade-marks by foreigners. Inferior goods in 
imitation of those of good quality produced in the United 
States were sent to Brazil, bearing the trade-marks of 

373 



374 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

American producers. So great had been the increase of 
the balance of trade with Brazil against the United States, 
resulting from this cause, that our government decided to 
take measures for the protection of our commerce. 

Early in the summer of 1878 I received instructions 
from Mr. Evarts, Secretary of State, to ascertain if a 
treaty could be negotiated with the imperial govern- 
ment for the protection of American trade-marks, and 
stating that if I could obtain an expression from the gov- 
ernment favorable to such a convention between the two 
countries, I should be invested with the proper power to 
negotiate it. I had an interview with the Minister of 
Foreign Affairs, and discussed the subject with him. He 
assented to my proposition, and said he was satisfied that 
the conclusion of such a treaty would benefit the com- 
merce of both countries. 

Upon the receipt of my despatch to Mr. Evarts inform- 
ing him of the result of my interview with the Minister of 
Foreign Affairs, he brought the subject to the attention 
of the President. He sent me a commission investing me 
with full power and authority in the name of the United 
States, to confer with any person invested with like 
authority by his Majesty the Emperor of Brazil, and to 
negotiate with him a treaty for the protection of our 
trade-marks. 

Soon after being invested with this power I negotiated 
a treaty with the Minister of Foreign Affairs, and we both 
signed it, representing our governments. I forwarded the 
treaty to Mr. Evarts, and he submitted it to the Presi- 
dent, who sent it to the Senate with a message recom- 
mending its ratification. The Senate acted promptly in 
accordance with the President's message, and ratified the 
treaty. The importance of the treaty was appreciated at 
home. The following reference is made to it in a recent 
edition of that interesting and valuable book " Brazil and 
the Brazilians " : 



THE BOTANICAL GARDEN RAILROAD. 375 

" A third cause which has stood in the way of American 
commerce in Brazil has been the counterfeit of American trade- 
marks by unscrupulous foreigners. But the trade-mark treaty, 
or convention, recently effected by the United States Minister 
Plenipotentiary, the Honorable Mr. Hilliard, will, it is to be 
hoped, do away with this hindrance to American manufactures. 
A recent letter from Rio de Janeiro to New York says : * The 
moral and material advantages secured by this convention will 
be of inestimable service in our commercial relations with 
Brazil, and through it I shall hope to see in good time a great 
part of the fraudulently called American goods driven out of 
this market.' " 

There are several street-car lines in Rio, which con- 
tribute much to the comfort of the people of that great 
city. From the central part of the city the suburbs ex- 
tend for miles in several directions, and its five hundred 
thousand inhabitants enjoy the increased facilities for 
travelling. Of these the Botanical Garden Railroad is 
by far the finest and the most important. Through the 
central part of the city, beginning at the Ouvidor, its 
finest street, it extends through the aristocratic quarter, 
Botafoga, to the magnificent Botanical Gardens, and to the 
suburb beyond them. This great tramway, one of the 
finest in the world, was constructed by a company organ- 
ized by Mr. C. B. Greenough, of the State of New York, 
who possessed both capital and enterprise. His plan, 
when first submitted to the wealthy men of Rio, seemed 
to be impracticable, and he was able to enlist but few 
capitalists in its support. But soon after the completion 
of the road its success was such as to place its stock high 
in the market ; and in the course of a year or two it was 
quoted at such a rate as to make its holders unwilling to 
part with it. 

It was a great American enterprise, and its charter 
obtained from the imperial government secured the 
stockholders against any trespass on their right of way. 



3/6 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

Another charter for a similar road had been obtained 
from the government, and its projectors from time to 
time seemed determined to push their hne into contact 
with that of the Botanical Garden Railroad. I was fre- 
quently appealed to in behalf of those who held this 
great American property to intervene for its protection ; 
and I never failed to do so successfully. The administra- 
tion always vindicated the good faith of the government. 

Mr. Greenough was an extraordinary man ; his person, 
manners, and intellect were all fine, and his integrity was 
perfect. Unfortunately, the climate of Rio was not 
favorable to his health, and he said to me : " I must quit 
breathing this hot air." Mrs. Greenough, a noble woman, 
of engaging manners, and full of character, cheered him, 
and shared all the dangers of a residence at Rio with him 
to the last. 

Mr. Greenough returned to the United States, leaving 
Colonel Shannon, in every way competent for the place, 
in charge of the road, and he conducted its affairs with 
great ability and fidelity. 

Mr. Greenough resided for a time in Colorado, and 
hoped that its fine climate would restore his health, but 
not recovering his strength, he decided to go to Europe. 
Accompanied by Mrs. Greenough, he went to Paris, and 
took a house in the Boulevard Haussmann, fitting it up 
in accordance with their tastes. He was for a time 
benefited by this agreeable residence, but did not 
recover his failing strength. Returning from an evening 
drive he was fatigued, and, reclining on a sofa, died 
suddenly and painlessly. It was the peaceful close of a 
noble life. 

I recall an evening passed at Mr. Wilson's ; it was a 
very bright one, and illustrates life in Rio. Madame 
Marie Durand, an American prima-donna, a native of 
Charleston, South Carolina, was present. She was much 
admired at that season, and heightened the reputation 



MADAME DURAND AND M. TAMAGNO. 2)77 

which she had won in Europe. She was a very hand- 
some woman, her person full, and her bearing graceful ; 
her dark hair and eyes, and a complexion that harmonized 
with them, gave her a look of Southeri splendor that was 
very attractive. Her voice was rich, clear, and strong, 
and its tones were singularly sweet. She was intensely 
American. M. Tamagno, the celebrated tenor, was also 
a guest of the evening ; even then he had a great reputa- 
tion, which has been heightened by his success in Europe 
and the United States. His appearance was impressive — 
tall, erect, and finely proportioned. 

In the course of the evening both Madame Durand and 
M. Tamagno consented to sing. Miss Wilson, who was a 
superb performer, seated herself at the piano, and ren- 
dered the instrumental music, while the two great singers 
sang a passage from the opera, Ruy Bias, in the highest 
style of their art. Those of us who were present enjoyed 
it very greatly. 

Having obtained leave of absence I sailed for Europe 
in one of the Liverpool and Pacific Royal Mail steamers. 
As we approached Lisbon the sea became rough, and 
some of the passengers hoped that the steamer would not 
leave the port before morning ; but the captain bravely 
took us out to sea. The view of Lisbon by night was 
splendid. The city seemed to be illuminated, and I 
enjoyed the brilliant spectacle until it was lost to sight. 
When we reached the Bay of Biscay we observed that a 
great storm had swept it, and its billows were still running 
high. We passed near two ships that had been wrecked. 

I enjoyed a brief stay in Bordeaux. Leaving by an 
early train for Paris, I found the country covered with 
snow. After leaving that city the next day for Stutt- 
gart, I observed that the snow extended to the Rhine. 

My visit to Stuttgart was limited to a few days, but 
was a most agreeable one. My family were delightfully 
surrounded ; several English residents were in Stuttgart, 



378 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

who gave great interest to the society of the place. Mr. 
Gordon and his family were agreeable people, and gave 
me a reception during my stay. 

Mr. Schulz, the banker, and his family had been un- 
remitting in their attentions to Mrs. Hilliard and our 
daughters, and while I was there we were their guests at 
a splendid entertainment. A friendship grew up with 
that interesting family which still survives, and we con- 
tinue to interchange letters. We receive from them from 
time to time marks of sincere regard. I met, too, one of 
our own countrywomen, who was a most agreeable lady, 
Mrs. Swann, a member of the family of Governor Swann, 
of Maryland. 

We were projecting a visit to Italy when I received a 
cablegram from Mr. Evarts, stating that my leave of 
absence could not be extended. I therefore abandoned 
the proposed visit to that land so full of interest to me, 
and soon after took leave, and returned to Rio. 




CHAPTER XXXII. 

Petropolis — The Emperor — Mr. Ford, English Minister — Mr. Goschen, 
Secretary of Legation — Baron Schreiner, Austrian Minister — Mr. Na- 
buco — Return to Rio — Statesmen of Brazil — The Press. 

Petropolis, the summer residence of the imperial 
family, is in the midst of the mountains, about three 
thousand feet above the level of the sea. It is reached 
by an interesting line of travel. A short run across the 
bay, in a steamboat, brings the passengers to Maua, 
named for the baron who constructed the line of railroad, 
ten miles in length, which reaches the foot of the moun- 
tains. Here an animated scene is witnessed ; carriages, 
from ten to thirty in number, drawn each by four mules, 
are in waiting to take the passengers to Petropolis. The 
Emperor's coach, too, is there for the service of his Ma- 
jesty and family. 

A magnificent road is constructed over the mountains, 
at an immense outlay of money by the government, which 
rivals any of the passes across the Alps. Some parts of 
this winding road over the steep ascent are brought in 
some places so near to other parts that the carriages pass- 
ing in the other direction seem almost within reach of the 
hand. On reaching the summit, which is attained before 
sunset, one of the finest views in the world is spread out 
before you. The bay with its matchless beauty, the city 
of Rio, and the picturesque plain below present a picture 
which cannot be rivalled in the world. Here a large num- 
ber of the residents of Petropolis drive out in their car- 

379 



380 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

riages to witness the arrival of the coaches and to welcome 
friends. I often witnessed this scene, and it never lost its 
interest for me. 

Petropolis is in a valley, and the mountain sides are 
covered with the residences of the wealthy class of Rio, 
who make it a summer resort. Bright, clear streams, with 
walled banks run through the streets, and are crossed by 
ornamental bridges. The palace of the Emperor, sur- 
rounded by gardens, is beautifully situated near the centre 
of the place. Fine roads are seen stretching away in the 
distance, affording delightful walks and drives. Finer 
views of mountain stretches, of scenery surrounding the 
town, I have never seen. I have walked for hours through 
the enchanting country that meets the view in every 
direction. 

The Emperor enjoys his summer sojourn here. He has 
his books, and takes short excursions, driving or walking. 
There are settlements in the neighborhood where colonists 
from Germany and Switzerland live in contentment. 

I have met the Emperor walking in the streets of Pe- 
tropolis as a private gentleman from time to time, when 
he would stand and converse with me in a pleasant social 
way. His ministers came from Rio to confer with him, 
and he made regular visits to the capital. The presence 
of several members of the Diplomatic Corps in Petropolis 
heightened the interest of this fine summer residence. 

Mr. Ford, the English Minister, had a residence of rare 
attractions, where his daughter welcomed guests and gave 
brightness to the hospitable home. My intercourse with 
Mr. Ford was full of interest to me ; his fine attainments, 
his sympathy with the people of my country, his scholarly 
tastes, and his genial disposition attracted me from the 
first hour of our meeting. 

Mr. Goschen, Secretary of Legation, had married an 
American lady, a bright, beautiful woman, who still loved 
her country ; and I always found his house one of the 



A SUMMER AT PETROPOLIS. 38 1 

most attractive places in Petropolis. He was a brother of 
Honorable Mr. Goschen, member of the House of Com- 
mons, who was so distinguished for his financial ability. 

Baron Schreiner, the Austrian Minister, had a house 
there, and I found him an interesting man, a statesman 
of large experience and liberal views. He had served in 
the United States, and felt a warm regard for our country. 
The Baroness, a lady of culture and pleasing manners, 
still retained pleasant remembrances of Washington. 

At that time a gentleman was passing the summer at 
Petropolis whom I had met in Rio, and of whom I had 
formed a high estimate — Mr. Nabuco. Young, thor- 
oughly educated, already acquainted with Europe, having 
been attached to the Brazilian Embassy at London ; of 
splendid physique and captivating manners, a member 
of the Chamber of Deputies, and a statesman of high 
promise, he bestowed attentions upon me which were ap- 
preciated. In the whole course of my life I had met no 
one whose future seemed brighter. He was the son of an 
eminent man — a learned jurist and a great statesman, 
whose splendid career was cut short by death. The son 
promised to fulfil the destiny of his distinguished father. 
We were much together, meeting in society, and walking 
and driving day after day. He glittered in the firmament 
of his country like a morning star, and his subsequent 
career has fulfilled the promise of his youth. He already 
gave his support to measures for the advancement of his 
country in the march of nations. Ambitious, but unself- 
ish, he devoted his fine powers to the cause of humanity. 
Foremost among those who desired the emancipation of 
the slaves, he had been elected president of the Anti- 
slavery Society of Brazil. 

At the close of the summer we returned to Rio — the 
Emperor, the Diplomatic Corps, and those who had 
sought a retreat from the discomfort and the danger of a 
residence at the capital during that season. 



382 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

The opening of the session of the parHament gave ani- 
mation and interest to the city. 

The statesmen of Brazil exhibited great interest in 
pubHc affairs. Some of them were men of culture, and 
had enjoyed the advantages of European travel. From 
an early period the statesmen of the empire had been 
distinguished for ability and learning. They had guided 
the political affairs of the country successfully. While 
some of the other states of South America had been dis- 
turbed by revolutions, the imperial government, under 
its liberal constitution, had exhibited a stability that won 
for it the respect and the confidence of other nations. 

Those who controlled public affairs during my resi- 
dence there were men of a high order, conservative and 
yet progressive, extending the protection of the govern- 
ment to the most remote part of the vast country which 
it embraced. 

Its foreign representatives were recognized as men of 
ability and character, and illustrated the diplomatic ser- 
vice ; they maintained the dignity of the imperial 
government. 

The financial affairs of the nation were conducted with 
great success, and the public credit was high in the great 
commercial centres of Europe. 

The press is as free and independent in Rio as it is in 
London and New York. The papers published there 
display enterprise and great ability ; they are in full sym- 
pathy with the best journals of the great cities in Europe 
and the United States. The circulation of some of them 
is very large, and their influence is powerful over public 
sentiment. 



CHAPTER XXXIII. 

Leave of Absence to Visit the United States — Meet Mrs. Hilliard and 
Daughters in Paris — London — Sunday — Mr. Spurgeon — Evening Service 
in St. Paul's Cathedral — Liverpool — Voyage — New York — Washington 
— President Hayes — Georgia. 

Leave of absence was granted me to visit home. Mrs. 
Hilliard and daughters had passed some three years in 
Stuttgart, and had greatly enjoyed their residence there. 
No place in Europe could have been more agreeable to 
them or offered greater advantages. They had made excur- 
sions to the Rhine, to Switzerland, and other attractive 
resorts. They now desired to return home. 

Having obtained leave of absence from Rio to visit the 
United States, I arranged that my family should meet me 
in Paris. Anticipating my coming, they took leave of 
Stuttgart, and had been in Paris some time before I 
reached there. They met some agreeable people from 
our country in that city, and had with them already en- 
joyed some sight-seeing. 

Upon my arrival we passed some days in looking 
through picture galleries, and visiting places of interest in 
the city and its environs. We enjoyed a visit to Ver- 
sailles greatly. The magnificence of the palaces, the his- 
toric associations, the works of art — statues and pictures, — 
the gardens and fountains were objects of attraction to 
us for hours. Two works of art specially interested the 
ladies. One was David's picture of the coronation of 
Napoleon, which I had seen before. The Emperor, self- 

383 



384 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

crowned, heroic, in robes which recalled the glory of 
antiquity, placed the diadem upon the head of Josephine, 
who knelt before him ; the surrounding objects were re- 
minders of unparalleled triumphs. 

The other — the statue which represents Napoleon at 
St. Helena in his declining days, seated, the grand head, 
the open drapery revealing the frame wasting under the 
touch of disease, the map of Europe spread before him, 
his right hand resting upon France, his eyes expressing 
the depth of a shadow that was upon his soul — constituted 
the most impressive work of the sculptor that I had ever 
seen. 

We took leave of Paris with regret ; when we reached 
Calais and embarked for Dover we found the channel 
rough, but the day was bright, and we bore up cheerfully 
through our short run to Dover. 

Once more in London we took apartments at the 
Charing Cross Hotel. We waited over until after Sun- 
day, which is a day of real interest to me in London. 
Sunday morning opened brightly, and we made our way 
to Spurgeon's Tabernacle. The doors were not yet 
opened, and a large number of people stood waiting to 
be admitted ; we were so fortunate as to find a friendly 
usher as we entered, who conducted us to the first gal- 
lery, and found places for us near the pulpit, where we 
had a good view of the preacher and the audience. There 
must have been upwards of six thousand people present, 
many of them standing, and a large number filling the 
doorways. Mr. Spurgeon had not yet entered. I studied 
with interest the picture before me. The auditorium 
was immense, and in the form of an amphitheatre, with 
galleries rising one above the other. The pulpit was 
a desk placed on a wide platform, upon which several 
gentlemen — ofBcial persons — were seated. I had never 
seen the great preacher who had awakened such a won- 
derful religious interest in London, and who had already 



SPUR GEO jV. 385 

brought thousands to make a public profession of faith 
in the Lord Jesus Christ. When he came in and took a 
seat on the platform, his appearance was so unlike the 
ideal picture of him I had drawn, that I supposed for a 
moment that another minister had come to take his place 
for the occasion, and felt something of resentment against 
him. There was nothing of intellectual force in his ex- 
pression, his bearing was quiet, and there was no promise 
of oratorical power in his appearance. But when he rose 
and advanced to the desk to open the services, all this 
was changed. He read the hymn impressively, and the 
opening prayer was most impressive. His voice, clear, 
rich, and sympathetic, was heard uttering an earnest 
appeal to the throne of grace. I was touched by his 
supplication, which he offered for the great English- 
speaking nation beyond the sea. When the prayer was 
ended, my impression of the man was strangely altered ; 
I could not see where his power lay, but there was a 
latent force in him which might be expressed, when he 
came to rouse himself, in a way to bring the whole audi- 
ence under his influence. There was no instrumental 
music, but a precentor rose and led the singing, while the 
vast audience joined in it, swelling it into a great volume 
of praise. The passage of Scripture upon which he 
proceeded to deliver his discourse was taken from ist 
Samuel, 12th chapter, embracing the first five verses. As 
he proceeded to describe the scene, Samuel standing up 
before all Israel and calling upon the people to say, now 
that he was about to retire from the great ofifice which he 
had so long filled, a king having been appointed, according 
to their request, if he had wronged any man, or taken a 
bribe out of any man's hand, or oppressed any man ; the 
scene rose before us with the vividness and impressiveness 
of real life. We could hear the voice of the people say- 
ing: "Thou hast not defrauded us, nor oppressed us, 
neither hast thou taken aught of any man's hand." The 



386 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

discourse was a grand statement of the principles of the 
Divine government, as represented throughout his admin- 
istration, and the willing tribute of the people to him was 
a glorious triumph. 

In the evening we attended divine services in St. Paul's 
Cathedral. It was a splendid service, held under the dome, 
where seats were provided for three thousand persons. 
There were a large number of ministers present who wore 
their robes, and a great company of choristers thronged 
the place. The whole service was magnificent. The 
spectacle was a grand display of the Church of England 
in the fulness of its ecclesiastical strength. The sermon 
was good, impressing upon us the importance of contrib- 
uting our full influence to advancing the power of Christ's 
kingdom. 

In the course of a day or two we left London for Liv- 
erpool ; the weather was fine, and the journey was delight- 
ful. England was beautiful in its summer verdure. We 
had engaged state-rooms in the Celtic of the White Star 
Line, and went on board the next day with much com- 
fort. The ship was a fine one, and we enjoyed the 
voyage. 

A bright morning welcomed us home, and the Bay of 
New York never appeared more beautiful. 

We took apartments in the Fifth Avenue Hotel, where 
I had for years been accustomed to stay. As I registered 
my name, the clerk looked up and said : " Mr. Hilliard, 
you have been a guest here before." I replied : " Yes, 
I had rooms here twenty years ago." He said : " I will 
give you the same suite of rooms that you occupied at 
that time." The suite of apartments was on the floor with 
parlors. We passed some days there receiving and visit- 
ing friends. 

At Washington I stayed a day or two. The President 
received me with his accustomed friendly interest, and 
Mrs. Hayes welcomed me kindly. My family did not 



A BRIEF STAY IN WASHINGTON. 387 

stop, but continued their journey to Georgia, where rela- 
tives and friends were awaiting their coming. 

The President was in sympathy with my views of the 
public service, and expressed himself in terms which were 
personally very gratifying to me. 

After a brief stay in Washington, where I met my 
friend, Honorable B. H. Hill, and other gentlemen, I pro- 
ceeded on my journey, and joined my family in Georgia. 




CHAPTER XXXIV. 

Return to Brazil, via England and France — London — House of Lords — 
Lord Granville — Paris — Chamber of Deputies — Gambetta — General 
Grant — Voyage from Bordeaux to Rio — Count Koskul — Arrival at Rio. 



After a brief visit to friends in Georgia, I returned to 
my post at Rio. 

I reached New York in time to engage a state-room in 
the Germanic, of the White Star Line, and in this fine 
ship enjoyed the voyage to Liverpool. 

When I arrived in London I decided to attend the ses- 
sion of the House of Lords. A great debate was to take 
place on the Irish question. As I entered the corridor 
leading to the House, I observed that there was a large 
attendance. Much as I desired to hear the debate, I did 
not send in my card, supposing that the discussion of a 
measure of such importance would be continued the next 
evening. 

Upon opening The Times the next morning I saw that 
the great debate had been concluded the previous even- 
ing. Lord Salisbury, the Earl of Beaconsfield (Disraeli), 
Lord Granville, Lord Cairns, and other eminent men had 
taken part in it. I attended the session the next evening. 
Sending my card to Lord Granville, I was ushered into 
the House, and was shown a place occupied by persons 
admitted to the floor. Nothing of interest occurred. 

The Earl of Beaconsfield had left the city in the morn- 
ing for his country seat. This extraordinary man had 
greatly interested me ; splendid in literature, brilliant in 



THE EARL OF BEACONSFIELD. 389 

debate, and great in statesmanship. I lost the oppor- 
tunity of hearing him on the occasion when, roused into a 
rare display of his powers, he shone for the last time above 
the horizon. In the debate referred to, Lord Beacons- 
field declared that the bill which he opposed was a prelude 
to the introduction of similar measures with reference to 
English land, and urged its rejection as an act " for 
which the country would be grateful, and posterity would 
be proud." Some time after the death of the Earl of 
Beaconsfield, Mr. Gladstone, on moving an address to the 
Crown for the erection of a monument to him, described 
him as " one who has sustained a great historic part, and 
done great deeds written on the page of parliamentary 
and national history." He paid a glowing tribute to Dis- 
raeli, distinguished for his power of self-government, his 
great parliamentary courage, and other great qualities ; 
and expressed the conviction that in all the judgments 
delivered by the late statesman upon himself, his antag- 
onist was never actuated by sentiments of personal 
antipathy. 

In the course of a day or two I left for Paris. I took 
apartments at the Hotel Meurice, and passed some days 
in the city, which I at all times visit with pleasure. 

General Grant was passing some days there, arranging 
for his extensive travels. He had a suite of apartments 
in the H6tel Bristol, Place Vendome, and Mrs. Grant and 
other members of his family were with him. I called on 
General Grant, and was cordially welcomed. I had not 
met him since I had an interview with him in the White 
House. I was much interested in a conversation with 
General Grant, who referred to the past of our country's 
history in terms which exhibited the manliness of his 
nature, and the magnanimity of the great soldier who had 
conducted the armies of the United States to victory. 
He spoke to me with entire unreserve. In our interview 
at Washington, while he was President, he had spoken 



390 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

with frankness, and now he was as clear and elevated in 
his tone as before. While President he had spoken to 
me in an evening's conversation with the frankness of a 
statesman who felt that past events belonged to history ; 
and in this interview his remarks were in the same tone. 

Soon after his first inauguration, I called in the evening 
with a gentleman of Georgia, at his invitation, to bring 
to his attention the state of public affairs in the South. 
There was on my part no grievance to present, no protest 
to offer against the action of the government, but an 
assurance that our people were in good faith adjusting 
themselves to the new conditions under which they lived ; 
and I expressed the hope that no measures would be 
adopted to alter the status of the South. The statement 
of his views at that time was most satisfactory. He spoke 
of Mr. Lincoln's emancipation proclamation in terms of 
perfect candor, saying that when it was issued he regarded 
it as a war measure only — brutcm fulmejt — to strengthen 
the Union cause. 

At our interview in Paris he said that he had intervened 
during President Johnson's administration for the pro- 
tection of the men in Virginia who had been in the 
Confederate service against judicial proceedings, which he 
regarded as a violation of the terms made at the time of 
General Lee's surrender. 

I had heretofore felt great respect for General Grant, 
and this sentiment was heightened by his remarks made 
to me in this interview. 

The estimate of General Grant as a general leading 
great armies to final triumph, as a statesman administer- 
ing the government at a critical period, and as a man of 
large capacity and noble nature, rises with every advan- 
cing year. His place in history is secure ; his heroic 
stature will be seen in still larger proportions when 
viewed through the telescope of time. 

The Chamber of Deputies was in session, and I decided 



GAMBETTA. 39I 

to visit it. Presenting my card at the entrance I was ad- 
mitted. The ^^z^/ i-^'ix^z'/ was interesting: the construction 
of the Chamber, the arrangement of the seats, the bril- 
liant coloring, the chair for the President, the tribune, — 
everything was new to me. The animation of the mem- 
bers, the style of debate, and the whole aspect of the 
body interested me. 

Gambetta presided ; I saw him for the first time, and 
studied his appearance with deep interest. He was an 
impressive figure ; his face was very fine, even in repose ; 
the brow finely arched, the nose large and well formed, 
the chin prominent, and the whole expression was one of 
dominant intellect. The eyes were fine, and the blemish 
in one could not be observed from my seat ; the form was 
well proportioned, somewhat full, and wearing an air of 
dignity. The man seated in the chair of authority seemed 
self-possessed ; yet there was a look of sadness in his 
aspect, and the gentleness in his bearing did not express 
the tremendous energy of his nature. He was the lion 
in repose. The history of the man rose before me : the 
early struggle for recognition ; the first flush of fame 
upon his brow ; his splendid triumphs on the hustings 
and in the tribune ; his impassioned oratory ; his coura- 
geous assaults upon men of state intrenched in high places ; 
his vehement denunciation of Louis Napoleon while yet 
an emperor ; his rousing the people to the overthrow of a 
dynasty associated with past glories ; his defiance of the 
army of powerful invaders in the very moment of their 
assured victory; his rallying the dispersed armies of 
France to avenge defeat and retrieve disaster ; his conse- 
cration of himself to France when the darkest hour of her 
destiny deepened upon her ; — all these came up as I saw 
Gambetta. His presence recalled the memory of Rienzi, 
the last of the Roman tribunes. 

At Bordeaux I was much pleased to meet Count 
Koskul, who was returning from a visit to Russia; his 



392 



POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 



presence enlivened the voyage. Nothing occurred to 
hinder the course of our noble ship as it bore us over the 
placid waters from Europe to South America. 

Upon our arrival at Rio we congratulated each other 
at having been passengers in the same ship, and resumed 
our places once more in the diplomatic circle. 








^p^ 


^^^^S 




1 


B 


^S 



CHAPTER XXXV. 

Aspect of Political Affairs — Slavery Agitation — Mr. Nabuco, President of 
the Anti-Slavery Society — His Appeal to me to State the Result of 
Emancipation in the United States — Correspondence on the Subject — 
Excitement Produced by it — Interview with the Emperor. 

The imperial government of Brazil was one of limited 
powers ; the constitution defined its authority. The 
reign of the Emperor, Dom Pedro II., was enlightened 
and liberal, maintaining the supremacy of law throughout 
the vast empire. 

Upon my return to Rio from my visit to the United 
States, I observed the aspect of political affairs with 
interest. While there was a strong growing sentiment in 
favor of bringing the administration of the government 
under the influence of liberal ideas, there was no sign of 
hostility to the Emperor's authority ; everywhere there 
was seen a picture of national contentment. Specula- 
tions were sometimes indulged in political circles as to 
the future ; but it seemed to be understood that the 
Emperor's reign would continue to be upheld and re- 
spected. After the Emperor, no one could read the horo- 
scope of the nation. 

There was one subject which was warmly discussed — 
slavery. The law of September 28, 1871, passed under 
the lead of that great statesman, Visconde do Rio Branco, 
provided that the children of women slaves born in the 
empire from that date shall be considered to be free. 
But the million and a half of slaves born prior to Septem- 

393 



394 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

ber 28, 1 87 1, were left still in hopeless bondage. Benefi- 
cent as the measure adopted was, still some forty or fifty 
years must elapse before slavery would cease to exist in 
the empire. Leading statesmen of the empire who 
desired to effect the total abolition of slavery imme- 
diately, organized a society for the accomplishment of 
that object, under the name of the Brazilian Anti-Slavery 
Society. Senhor Joaquim Nabuco was elected president 
of the new organization. He entered upon the task 
assigned him with ardor, and he soon won numerous 
friends and powerful supporters for the cause. The 
society encountered from the outset determined opposi- 
tion ; the large coffee and sugar planters, strongly repre- 
sented in the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies, were 
roused into resistance to the proposed measure. 

Mr. Nabuco was a member of the Chamber of Deputies 
from Pernambuco. He came to me and requested me to 
give my views as to the effect of the abolition of slavery 
in the United States. I was in sympathy with his 
opposition to slavery in Brazil, but I could not take part 
in the conflicts of parties in regard to a question which 
so deeply affected the fortunes of the empire. Still, 
while I declined to intervene in a great contest, officially 
I felt at liberty to reply to Mr. Nabuco's appeal, by 
giving a statement of the result of the abolition of slavery 
in the United States. It seemed eminently proper for 
me to do so, being a Southern man, and having had 
ample opportunity to observe the effect of emancipation 
in the slave-holding States, as it affected the planters of 
the South and the race that had been recently set free. 
In this interview with Mr. Nabuco, I said to him at its 
close : " If you think proper, Mr. Nabuco, to address me 
a letter upon that subject I will undertake to reply to it." 

Soon after, Mr. Nabuco wrote me a letter alluding to 
my connection with slavery in the United States, I being 
a Southern man, and having been a member of the Whig 



ABOLITION OF SLAVERY IN BRAZIL. 395 

party, to which he referred in his letter, associating me 
with Mr. Webster and Mr. Clay, of whom he wrote in 
terms of admiration. 

Upon receiving his letter I replied at length, treating 
the question of slavery historically, and as I had observed 
it actually in my own country. When I had completed 
my letter I called on Mr. Nabuco, and told him I had 
prepared it, at the same time handing him the manu- 
script. He seemed delighted that I had treated the 
question so largely. I then took the letter back to 
revise it. 

In the first draft of my letter I had said nothing as to 
the time within which emancipation could be accom- 
plished, but upon receiving it from Mr. Nabuco, I said to 
a friend who was with me : " I propose now to fix the 
date for the abolition of slavery in the Brazilian Empire "; 
and going to a neighboring ofifice I inserted this para- 
graph : 

"The French government, under Louis Philippe, fixed 
ten years as the term for the freeing of slaves and added 
compensation, but the revolution came, and Lamartine at once 
signed the paper that set free the slaves in the colonial 
possessions of France. Seven years might be fixed as 
the term in Brazil for holding the African race still in bondage. 
It would seem to be especially appropriate, in selecting the 
period for the termination of slavery in the empire, to fix 
upon the 28th of September, 1887, the anniversary of the 
great measure which provided that after its promulgation no 
child born in Brazil should be a slave." 

Handing my letter to Mr. Nabuco, to be disposed of 
as he thought proper, it was immediately published in 
the Portuguese language in the journals of Rio, and 
translated into other languages for publication elsewhere. 
It created a great sensation in political circles. The 
Brazilian Parliament was in session, and in both the Sen- 



396 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

ate and the Chamber of Deputies there were a number of 
gentlemen holding slaves, cultivating coffee, cotton, and 
sugar, who regarded the success of the industry as de- 
pendent upon the perpetuation of slavery. 

Within a day or two after the publication of my letter, 
a gentleman, who had been for some time in the American 
consulate, Mr. Cordeiro, a native of Portugal, and a per- 
sonal friend, said to me : " Mr. HilHard, the Emperor 
asked a member of the council, ' Have you read Mr. 
Milliard's letter ? ' He replied, *I have not'; and the 
Emperor said, * You must read it.' " Of course I did not 
know what the sentiments of the Emperor might be in 
regard to the measure of immediate emancipation, or how 
he might regard my intervention in the matter. 

The custom at Rio is, that foreign ministers drive to 
the palace of San Cristovdo on the evening of the first 
Saturday in each month to be received by the Emperor, 
and it was necessary for me to make the call within a few 
days after the appearance of my letter. Taking my place 
with the other ministers in the great reception room, I 
awaited the Emperor's coming to me to speak, as was 
his habit, in some anxiety as to what might be the 
result of the interview. Standing by my side was Baron 
Schreiner, the Austrian Minister, who spoke the English 
language perfectly, and who would of course comprehend 
every word that the Emperor said to me. The Emperor 
conversed for some time with Baron Schreiner. His 
Majesty then came to me, bowed, and said : 

" I hope you have received good accounts from your 
country." 

To which I replied : 

" Yes, I am happy to inform your Majesty that I have." 

After a few general remarks he drew near to me and 
said : 

" I have read your letter with great sympathy." 

I replied : 



INTERVIEW WITH THE EMPEROR. 397 

" I am a thousand times obliged to your Majesty for 
saying so." 

" Yes," said he, " and I wish to say something on the 
subject myself." 

I said to him : " I shall be very happy to read what 
your Majesty may say." He replied : 

" I cannot do it here in Rio, but we shall soon go to 
Petropolis" — the summer residence of the Emperor and 
the Diplomatic Corps. 

Returning from the palace to my ofifice at the Legation, 
I wrote to both the President and Mr. Evarts, the Secre- 
tary of State, full accounts of the interview, and forwarded 
my mail by a steamer which sailed the next morning for 
New York. 

The discussion of the subject, /r(? and con, continued in 
the journals of the country, and one point made against 
me was that I had taken the liberty of suggesting that so 
great a change in the industrial system of Brazil should 
be made within seven years. 

At this time it was estimated that a slave paid for him- 
self with the labor of three years, and the prospect of 
losing this source of wealth was not agreeable to the 
Brazilian planters. The discussions were warm, and popu- 
lar sentiment ran high. On account of my letter I became 
the central figure of the agitation, and I was observed in 
every circle. 

It is not strange that the advocates of slavery were 
quick to object to what they regarded as the intervention 
of a foreign minister in a question so important to their 
interests. 




CHAPTER XXXVI. 

Banquet Given to me by the Anti-Slavery Society — Discussion in the 
Chamber of Deputies — Interpellation to the Premier, Mr. Sariava — 
Public Interest as to the Result — Reply of Mr. Sariava in the Chamber 
of Deputies — The Scene — Public Sentiment in the Empire — Mr. Ford, 
English Minister — Lord Granville, of the Gladstone Cabinet — " Blue 
Book " of the British Parliament — Petropolis. 



In the midst of this excitement the climax came when 
the Anti-Slavery Society tendered me a banquet. I saw 
the danger, that in accepting it I would risk my official 
position ; and the danger, on the other hand, that to de- 
cline it at this critical time would diminish the effect of 
my former utterance. 

The political interest still grew, and the popular excite- 
ment was aroused. I felt that my position was critical, 
and I did not know what might happen to me personally 
under the excitement of the moment. I had studied the 
issue in advance, however, and I decided to stand upon 
the ground which I had taken. I saw the danger. I knew 
that my political life might close under some expression 
of disapproval by the imperial government, or by some 
remark from my own government in regard to what was 
styled my official intervention in the affairs of Brazil ; but 
I could not be indifferent to the appeal made to me in 
behalf of these slaves, who are ground between the upper 
and the nether mill-stone — a million and a half of people 
without hope, and I said to myself : " If I cannot speak a 
word in their behalf I ought not to call myself a man." 

398 



A CRITICAL POSITION. 399 

Many of my friends thought I incurred great danger of 
political overthrow, and advised me strongly against ac- 
cepting the banquet. I replied : " I see the surroundings, 
and I am prepared to meet the result." I decided to 
accept the banquet, that I might manifest my unswerv- 
ing interest in the support of the great cause which had 
awakened my sympathy, and in the support of the 
opinions that I had advanced. 

In one of the hotels of the city a splendid banquet was 
given me, to which about forty gentlemen of distinction 
were invited, and the decorations were such as to give 
great splendor to the occasion. A portrait of Mr. Lincoln 
was hung on the wall, with the portraits of other eminent 
men who opposed slavery. And the dishes were named 
for Wilberforce and other distinguished statesmen who 
were enlisted in the cause. Everything was done to 
evince the sentiment of the society in support of the 
measures which they were conducting. The great banquet 
hall was on the first floor, and in that fine climate the 
windows were thrown open and some of the first people 
of the city, including ladies, stood outside to witness the 
scene. 

The banquet became the subject of discussion in the 
journals of the city, and an illustrated paper presented it 
in a way to attract attention. 

Then came the crisis. A discussion took place in the 
Chamber of Deputies in regard to what was called the in- 
tervention of a foreign minister in the affairs of the em- 
pire. In some of the speeches it was said that a foreign 
representative infringes his official character and oversteps 
his privileges when he assumes to take a prominent part 
in the discussion of questions which are of purely domes- 
tic policy in the country to which he is accredited. M. 
Belfort Duarte, the Deputy from Maranhao, a sugar 
planter, offered a resolution proposing that the Chamber 
should call the attention of the Premier, Mr. Sariava, to 



400 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

the subject, and that he should be requested to give the 
views of the government in regard to it. The resolution 
passed, and the questions submitted to the Premier, in the 
form of an interpellation, were as follows : 

" First. Does the imperial government approve in general 
of the anti-slavery propaganda, and especially that which has 
been held in public meetings by means of political banquets, 
and a manifesto issued by a foreign representative ? 

" Second. The United States Minister — did he appear at 
the anti-slavery political banquet, held on the 20th inst., in 
his official or semi-official character, directly or indirectly with 
the acquiescence of the imperial government ? 

" Third. In case of disapproval on the part of the imperial 
government of the conduct of the foreign representative, 
what steps do they propose taking, and, moreover, what line 
do the government propose to pursue in view of the illegal 
meetings on the question of the abolition of slavery ? " 

Mr. Sariava answered the resolution of the Chamber of 
Deputies, promising to appear before them and give his 
reply to the questions submitted to him. It was an occa- 
sion of very great political interest, and even of popular 
excitement. The Minister of the Argentine Republic 
met me and said : " Mr. Hilliard, you are the man of the 
day." I replied : " Yes, and I should like to have other 
gentlemen like yourself standing by my side." 

On the day appointed by Mr. Sariava for his appear- 
ance in the Chamber of Deputies, he, in company with 
other ministers of state, drove to the Chamber. The 
galleries were thronged by foreign ministers, by eminent 
statesmen, by ladies in their gallery, and the great gallery 
for the people was filled to overflow. Standing room 
could scarcely be found ; the very corridors v/ere crowded. 
I of course did not attend, but remained at my Legation to 
await the result. 

Mr. Sariava arose and said : 



SCEA'E IN THE CHAMBER OF DEPUTIES. 4OI 

" Before replying to the first question it is necessary to rec- 
tify a point. There has been no manifesto issued by a foreign 
representative relative to the anti-slavery propaganda, but only 
the expression of the personal opinion of Mr. Hilliard on the 
question of slavery, addressed to a Brazilian Deputy. Having 
made this correction, I reply to the first question by saying 
that the Ministry of the 28th of March has already explained 
pretty clearly, in this august assembly, its entire views on the 
question. Resuming all I have said, I will again make the 
following declaration : The members of the Ministry, over 
whom I have the honor of presiding, are of opinion that the 
law of the 28th of September, 187 1, can effect a complete so- 
lution of the question, because it can follow the gradual and 
progressive development of free labor, and the extinction of 
slavery in a greater or less number of years, without disturb- 
ance of, and without interruption to, the great progress of the 
nation. In spite, however, of what I have now said, the Min- 
istry of the 28th of March are of opinion that it is their duty 
to respect, as they have respected, all the opinions which are 
contrary to theirs, so long as they are confined to legal grounds. 
To the second question I reply. No. Mr. Hilliard appeared at 
the banquet in his private capacity. What he said in his let- 
ter and at the banquet can only be regarded as the expression 
of his private opinion without any official character, and, being 
subjected to public appreciation, has nothing to do with either 
the approval or disapproval of the imperial government. The 
third question is answered by my replies to numbers one and 
two. Now that I have rendered satisfaction to the member 
from Maranhao, I will only consider one topic of his speech. 
He need be under no apprehension lest the representatives of 
foreign powers should meddle in our affairs. Should such a 
contingency arise, the government feels assured that they would 
meet with the support of every Brazilian, without even except- 
ing those who entertain contrary opinions to it as to the mode 
of solving the question of slavery." 

The scene in the Chamber is represented to have been 
a most impressive one. The friends of emancipation were 
radiant. 



402 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

I knew nothing of the result of the meeting of the 
Chamber of Deputies until five o'clock in the afternoon, 
when my friend Mr. Cordeiro came to me and reported 
what had taken place ; and he was exultant at the splen- 
did triumph I had won, against great odds. The Diplo- 
matic Corps stood by me to a man. 

Public sentiment throughout the empire was awakened 
in behalf of the emancipation cause. 

Mr. Ford, the English Minister, sent a full account of 
the proceedings to the Earl of Granville, Minister of 
Foreign Affairs in London, under Mr. Gladstone. He 
had felt some concern in regard to the result, so far as it 
affected me as a Minister of the United States, but now 
in forwarding his despatch to Lord Granville he says : " It 
is my impression that this diplomatic incident may now 
be considered as terminated, and that no more will be 
heard of the matter." Lord Granville attached so much 
importance to the affair that he ordered an account of the 
proceedings, as given by Mr. Ford, including the letter of 
Mr. Nabuco to me, my reply, my speech at the banquet, 
the interpellations to the Premier, Mr. Sariava, and his 
reply, to be published in the " Blue Book " of the govern- 
ment, where it may be found under date of December 
6, 1880. A copy of the publication is given in an appen- 
dix to this volume. 

In the course of a few weeks the Emperor and the 
Diplomatic Corps took up their summer residence at 
Petropolis. I had an agreeable interview with the Em- 
peror, in which he expressed himself freely in regard to 
the great question of emancipation. I enjoyed an un- 
usually agreeable intercourse with such members of the 
Diplomatic Corps as were residing there. 

My friend Mr. Nabuco, too, was at Petropolis, and we 
enjoyed walks and drives from time to time. He steadily 
grew in my esteem, and I saw that a great future opened 
before the young statesman. 



CHAPTER XXXVII. 

Close of President Hayes' Administration — Accession of General Garfield 
to the Presidency — Resignation Forwarded — Mr. Blaine, Secretary of 
State — Interview with the Emperor and Empress — Departure from 
Rio — Voyage — Beautiful Views — Teneriffe — Madeira — Arrival at Bor- 
deaux — Paris — Anniversary of the Republic — London — Dean Stanley — 
Westminster Abbey — Canon Farrar — Voyage to New York — Washing- 
ton — Mr. Blaine. 



The administration of President Hayes was drawing 
towards its close. Without solicitation I had been offered 
the mission to Brazil, and I had accepted it. 

I had found opportunities to render services to the 
government of the United States on more than one occa- 
sion, and my official career had been uniformly approved 
by the President, for whom I entertained the highest 
respect ; and by Mr. Evarts, the Secretary of State, whose 
reputation as a statesman had been heightened by his 
able conduct of foreign affairs, while he was chief of that 
department. 

Upon the accession of General Garfield to the presi- 
dency I forwarded my resignation, and requested leave 
of absence to return home. Some time elapsed before I 
received a reply from Mr. Blaine, Secretary of State. 

The imperial family and the Diplomatic Corps had re- 
turned to Rio. My intercourse with them continued to 
be agreeable. Expressions of regret were made when it 
was understood that it was my intention to return home ; 
and I continued to receive attentions and marks of con- 

403 



404 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

sideration which were highly appreciated by me. The 
season was pleasant and the health of the city was ex- 
cellent. 

Early in June I received a despatch from Mr. Blaine 
granting me leave of absence, and I made preparations 
for my departure. 

My interview with the Emperor at the Palace of San 
Cristovao was most satisfactory. He gave me a morn- 
ing, and our conversation had nothing of ofificial restraint. 
His Majesty spoke freely of Brazil and of my own coun- 
try ; he named several gentlemen of the United States, 
statesmen and scholars, speaking of them in terms of high 
appreciation. At the close of the interview he gave me 
his hand with sincere feeling, and thanked me for the good 
wishes I had expressed for him. 

I was conducted to the Empress, and received by her 
with the kindness which gave such a charm to her man- 
ners. In the course of a few minutes the Emperor came 
in, and as I was about to leave, his Majesty gave me a 
picture of himself with his autograph, and the Empress 
gave me hers with her autograph. I still possess and 
prize these pictures. 

On the morning of June 15, 1881, I embarked on 
board the Iberia of the Liverpool and Pacific Steam- 
ship Line, for Europe. The day was brilliant, and as our 
ship steamed out from Rio I stood on the deck and took 
my last view of the city and its surroundings. There 
stood the Sugar Loaf, the Corcovado, the Gavia, lifting 
their heads in the clear light, their sides touched with 
tints of exquisite beauty. Never had I seen the city, the 
bay, the mountains, look so beautiful. A fresh breeze 
met the steamer and a swell from the ocean rolled in 
grandly. Just as we were going out an American steamer 
entered, and I greeted the flag of my country. 

The voyage was delightful, — the summer sea, the great 
ship moving with speed, the coast views, the city of Bahia, 



FROM RIO TO BORDEAUX. 405 

and after a short run Pernambuco, when losing sight of 
Brazil we took our course over the ocean for Europe. 

Our ship was to call at Teneriffe, and as we approached 
it from afar we saw great peaks towering some thirteen 
thousand feet above the sea. When we reached the 
island the sun had gone down, but the picture which met 
our view was beautiful. The evening was clear and the 
heavens were starlit ; south of the lofty peak a young 
moon hung in the sky ; on the north a comet was rushing 
upon its fiery course ; at the base the lights were kindled 
in the houses of the town. 

The captain of the Iberia had instructions to call at 
Madeira for a number of English people who had passed 
the winter and spring in that delightful climate and 
wished now to return home. The morning was fine when 
we reached Madeira, and we stopped there several hours. 
The island was a place of much interest to me, and I saw 
its vine-clad slopes in their full summer verdure. We took 
on board a considerable number of passengers, who gave 
new animation to the ship, and resumed our voyage. 

In the course of a few days we saw Lisbon, and passed 
some hours there. It presented a pleasing picture, and 
the scene of people in small boats, vendors of willow-ware 
and fruits, interested us. I could not resist the appeals 
of these animated merchants, and bought several articles 
to take home. 

After a voyage along the picturesque coast of Spain 
we reached the point of departure for Bordeaux, and I 
took leave of the good ship and its courteous captain. 

Here I learned that President Garfield had been assas- 
sinated. The startling announcement had just been made 
in Europe. I did not learn the details until I reached 
Paris. 

Upon my arrival at Paris I took apartments at the 
Hotel Meurice, and passed several days there. 

The city was the scene of a grand display — the celebra- 



406 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

tion of the anniversary of the first repubHc. The parade 
of troops by day and the illumination of the city at night, 
with varied scenes in the Champs Elys^es, presented a 
splendid spectacle. 

In the afternoon I walked through the Place de la Con- 
corde to witness the scene. That place — the most beau- 
tiful in 'Europe — never fails to interest a visitor ; the 
great statues representing the cities of France, seated in 
the midst of fountains, were never more impressive. I 
stood in front of the statue of Strasbourg, and saw that it 
was draped in mourning. Unconscious of observation I 
lifted my hat in salutation, and stood for several minutes 
in the presence of this dramatic representation of a city 
torn from France by conquest, yet still dear to her people. 
In the evening I met a party of American friends at din- 
ner, and one of them, a lady, said to me that she had seen 
me salute the statue of Strasbourg in the Place de la 
Concorde ; she had been walking in the Gardens of the 
Tuileries overlooking the spot, and recognized me. 

I never fail when on a visit to Paris to see the tomb 
of Napoleon in the Hotel des Invalides. My estimate of 
Napoleon has never changed. This modern Caesar was 
the peer of Julius in the splendor of his career; like the 
great Roman he was a friend of the people, whose cause 
he espoused ; he overturned thrones and expelled dynas- 
ties ; and while he crowned himself Emperor, his heart 
was with the people of every country dominated by men 
who claimed to rule by divine right. Of our day, he 
already takes his place in history with the world's heroes 
of all times. 

Leaving Paris I travelled to London by the way of 
Calais, and from midway of the channel I stood and 
looked a farewell to France ; then over the rough waves 
of the channel I caught a view of the cliffs of England. 

Once more in London I felt a new sympathy for the 
people of my own language and blood. 



LONDON PAST AND PRESENT. 407 

An eminent man had just died — Dean Stanley ; all 
England was in mourning, and as an American I was 
in full sympathy with the national sentiment. Three 
memorial sermons were preached in Westminster Abbey 
on the Sunday after his death ; I heard two of them, one 
by Canon Farrar ; it was a discourse of unusual power, 
and revealed some of the qualities of this extraordinary 
man. Walking through the Abbey I saw a wreath of 
evergreens, sent by her Majesty, Victoria, to be placed on 
the bier of the late Dean Stanley, a man whom she 
deeply revered. 

I passed some days in the great metropolis. In the 
presence of the power and splendor and wealth of mod- 
ern London, its sovereigns, its statesmen, its scholars, its 
imposing military display, its great merchant princes, I 
could not repress my interest in the past, the great forms 
that figured in the earlier periods of English history, the 
heroic men who led her armies and her fleets to victory, 
the noble body of Christian preachers and martyrs, the 
great statesmen who spoke and wrote in defence of the 
liberties of the people, her scholars — Shakespeare, Milton, 
and others — whose pages are still read with living in- 
terest. The present is imposing, but in the sky of the 
past the most splendid constellations glow. 

Bidding adieu to London I hastened to Liverpool, and 
embarked on board the Gallia, of the Cunard Line, for 
New York. This great ship was crowded with Ameri- 
cans, returning, like myself, to our country. We had a 
prosperous voyage, and I enjoyed the sea. 

After a brief stay in New York I proceeded to Wash- 
ington. President Garfield's lingering illness was deeply 
felt ; there was a shadow on the city. 

I called on Mr. Blaine, Secretary of State, officially, 
and was received by him with expressions of regard 
which gratified me. He assured me of the appreciation 
by the government of my course as the Minister Plenipo- 



4o8 



POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 



tentiary of the United States in Brazil, and said that the 
influence of my services there would bind the two sections 
more closely. After a conversation with this eminent 
statesman in regard to the affairs of the country, I took 
leave. 

My ofificial relations with the government had ter- 
minated satisfactorily, and I turned my face towards my 
home in the South. 




CONCLUSION. 

FroUDE, in reviewing the state of affairs in Rome after 
the great civil war that followed the assassination of 
Caesar, says : " The Roman nation had grown as the oak 
grows, self-developed in severe morality, each citizen a 
law to himself, and therefore capable of political freedom 
in an unexampled degree." 

Of the people of the United States this may be said 
to-day. The stability of the republic is not dependent on 
any man. Our American system is capable of unlimited 
expansion. The Constitution is the stronghold of the 
government and the bulwark of personal liberty. Our 
federal government has survived the greatest civil war the 
world ever saw. 

After an extended observation of political affairs at 
home and abroad, my confidence in our government, its 
living, free spirit, its ever-springing vigor, its power to 
protect the rights of its people at home and to repel in- 
vasion from foreign enemies, and in its destiny as the 
greatest republic upon which the sun ever shone, is 
greater than it ever was. 

Our language, our religion, our laws, our civilization 
will be carried by our people over the whole continent. 

The Union is secure ; the Constitution is supreme. 

Our country exhibits to-day the happiest picture of 
wide national tranquillity and prosperity to be seen under 
the whole heavens. 

409 



4IO 



POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 



The strong men of the nation who some years since 
stood in the serried ranks of war, confronting each other 
and contending for the mastery, are now co-operating for 
the advancement of the prosperity of the whole country, 
and the glory of the republic. 

A living, patriotic sentiment animates the people of 
every section. We feel that this country is our country ; 
that the government is our government ; that its flag is 
our flag, wherever it floats in all the world ; that we are 
Americans. 




APPENDIX. 



MR. FORD TO EARL GRANVILLE (RECEIVED DECEMBER 6th): 

Rio de Janeiro, November 8, 1880. 
My Lord : 

I have the honor to transmit herewith to your Lordship 
translations of a correspondence which has lately taken place 
between Senor Nabuco, Deputy from Pernambuco, and Mr. 
Milliard, the United States Minister at this court. 

Senor Nabuco is a thorough-going abolitionist, and is anx- 
ious if possible, to hasten the advent of the day when slavery 
in Brazil will be finally put an end to. 

According to the law of the 28th September, 1871, it was 
decreed that the children of women slaves that may be born 
in the empire from the above date shall be considered to be 
free. 

Thus forty or fifty years must necessarily elapse before sla- 
very can, by the gradual death of slaves born prior to the 
28th September, 187 1, and by the number of those annually 
emancipated, be said to be extinguished in the Empire of 
Brazil. 

Senor Nabuco is not contented with this state of affairs, and 
is desirous of seeing a more immediate term fixed for the total 
abolition of slavery in this country. 

However praiseworthy are Senor Nabuco's efforts in the 
anti-slavery cause, it is hardly to be expected that any legis- 
lative action he may take in the matter will prove successful, 
as the large coffee and sugar planters, who are strongly repre- 
sented in the Brazilian Chambers, would use their best endeav- 
ors to thwart his schemes. 

411 



412 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

The publicity given in the local newspapers to Mr. Hilliard's 
letter, which has been translated into Portuguese, has called 
forth some hostile criticism, and Mr. Milliard is accused by 
some of having overstepped the bounds of diplomatic decorum 
in thus publicly mixing himself up in a question which, it is 
asserted, can only be considered as one of purely local im- 
portance. I have, etc. 

(Signed) Francis Clare Ford. 

P. S. — I inclose copy of the manifesto of the Brazilian Anti- 
Slavery Society referred to in Senor Nabuco's letter. 

F. C. F. 



EXTRACT FROM THE Rio NcWS OF NOVEMBER 5, 1880. 

Emancipation. — The following is the full text of the cor- 
respondence between Deputy Joaquim Nabuco, President of 
the Brazilian Anti-Slavery Society, and Honorable Henry W. 
Hilliard, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary 
to this court, relative to the results of emancipation in the 
United States : 

MR. NABUCO TO MR. HILLIARD. 

(Translation.) Sociedade Brazileira contra a Escravidao, 

Rio de Janeiro, October ig, 1880. 

My Dear Mr. Hilliard : 

I take the liberty of sending to your Excellency some copies 
of the English translation of the manifesto of this society, 
and asking your enlightened opinion upon the results which 
the immediate and total substitution of slave labor by free 
labor has produced, and still promises to produce, in the 
Southern States of the Union. 

No one is better qualified than your Excellency to speak — 
possessing as you do, not only the experience of a statesman 
who has played an important part in the events which resulted 
in emancipation in those States, but also a thorough acquaint- 
ance with their social and economic conditions — no one, I 
repeat, is better qualified than your Excellency to speak of the 



APPENDIX. 413 

great revolution wrought in agricultural labor by the instan- 
taneous liberation of the negro race. 

The relations of the freedmen with their former masters, their 
aptitude for free labor,the condition of agriculture under the reg- 
imen of hired labor, the general progress of the country since 
that inevitable crisis, are highly interesting subjects of study 
for us who will, like the planters of Louisiana and Mississippi, be 
obliged to avail ourselves of the very same elements inherited 
from slavery, and of the voluntary labor of the same race con- 
demned by it to the cultivation of the soil. 

There can be no doubt, after the late harvests, regarding 
the wisdom of emancipation as an economic measure for the 
reconstruction of the Southern States. Even Mr. Jefferson 
Davis has just acknowledged that the heritage of slave-holders 
has considerably augmented in the hands of free laborers, and 
that from this standpoint, abolition has been a great benefit to 
that section of territory where it threatened to become a catas- 
trophe and permanent ruin. Unfortunately, however, it is 
impossible to convince the planters that their true friends are 
those who desire to give them a permanent, firm, and pro- 
gressive base instead of this provisional one called slavery. 
The truth, when it appears, may come too late to prevent 
the ruin of the parties interested, and, as the sun, it may come 
only to illumine the wreck after the tempest. It is our duty, 
however, to enlighten the opinion of the agriculturists them- 
selves, by the experience of free labor in other countries, and 
to demonstrate to the country that only with emancipation 
can it trust its future to agriculture. 

Your Excellency had a place in Congress by the side of Daniel 
Webster and Henry Clay ; you belonged to the Whig party from 
which sprung the Republican party with its free-soil pro- 
gramme. Your experience covers along period, and your word 
is above suspicion. It is for this reason that I ask your full 
judgment upon the effect which the transformation of labor 
has had and will have on the wealth, well-being, and the fu- 
ture of the social community to which your Excellency be- 
longs. Certain as I am that your opinion will have weight 
with all minds who see in emancipation the only problem 



414 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

worthy of arresting the attention of statesmen in countries 
which in this century are still under the opprobrium of pos- 
sessing slaves, I thank you in anticipation for your reply as a 
service rendered to a million and a half of human beings 
whose liberty is solely dependent upon their masters becoming 
convinced that free labor is infinitely superior in every respect 
to forced and unremunerated labor. 

With the assurance, my dear Mr. Hilliard, of ray high 
esteem, I have, etc. 

(Signed) Joaquim Nabuco. 

Hon. Henry W. Hilliard. 

mr, hilliard to mr. nabuco. 

Legation of the United States, Rio de Janeiro, 
October 25, 1880. 

My Dear Mr. Nabuco : 

I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter 
calling my attention to the manifesto of the Brazilian Anti- 
Slavery Society, a copy of which you have been good enough 
to forward to me, and requesting me to give my views of the 
results of the emancipation of the colored race in the Southern 
States of the Union. 

While I am not disposed to obtrude my opinions of any of 
the institutions of Brazil, I do not feel at liberty to withhold 
the information that you desire, the request for the expression 
of my views coming from a source entitled to high considera- 
tion, and the question involved being so large as to transcend 
the boundaries of any country, appealing, as it does to the 
civilization of our century, and touching the widest circle of 
humanity. I recall the sentiment of a classical poet, expressed 
in one of his plays : 

" I am a man, 
And I cannot be indifferent to anything 
That affects humanity." 

When that line was uttered in a Roman theatre, filled with 
people accustomed to witness the fierce sports of the Coliseum, 



APPENDIX. 415 

it was received with thunders of applause. Such a sentiment 
can never lose its force with the advanced civilization of the 
world. 

Slavery in the United States is to be distinguished from 
that which existed in other countries growing out of the patri- 
archal authority, or resulting from capture in war, or punish- 
ment for crime. It was part of a commercial system that did 
not content itself with ordinary objects of trade, but took hold 
of the African race as offering a tempting reward for enter- 
prise, and promising a speedy return for the outlay of capital 
— at once atrocious, reckless, and selfish. For two centuries 
this inhuman trade was carried on, without remonstrance or 
even criticism. The American continent offered the best 
market in the world for the sale of slaves. Slavery was 
planted on the soil of the English colonies, stretching from 
New England to Georgia. When the colonies threw off their 
allegiance to England they were independent of each other, 
but they made common cause, and at the close of the war 
they became free and independent States. When it became 
necessary to form a more perfect union, the several States 
met in convention. General Washington presiding, and they 
established a national government. The Constitution con- 
ferred upon this government great powers, powers supreme 
and sovereign. But the powers not delegated to the United 
States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, 
were reserved to the States respectively or to the people. The 
national government had no jurisdiction over the domestic 
institutions of the States. Slavery was left under the absolute 
control of each State where it existed. It was the object of 
the framers of the Constitution to leave slavery in the States 
where it existed, without adding any sanction to it, to be dis- 
posed of by each State without reference to the others. 

In the course of time a strong hostility to slavery began to 
exhibit itself in some of the communities of the North. At- 
tempts were made to determine the territorial bounds to which 
slavery should be confined within the United States, and into 
this discussion the distribution of power and sectional aggran- 
dizement largely entered. Upon the application of Missouri 



4l6 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

— a new State in which slavery existed, organized out of a ter- 
ritory belonging to the United States — for admission to the 
Union, a fierce contest ensued which was happily compro- 
mised by the fixing of the line of 36° 30', and the territory 
north as free territory. The tranquillity of the Union was un- 
disturbed for some years, but upon the acquisition of new 
territory at the close of the war with Mexico the formidable 
question of the exclusion of slavery from it was revived. A 
powerful free-soil party was organized — a party that disclaimed 
any purpose to interfere with slavery in the States, but which 
demanded its exclusion from all the territory lying outside the 
limits of any particular State. This party attracted to its 
ranks some of the ablest statesmen, who had, up to this crisis, 
ranged themselves under the banner of the Whig and Demo- 
cratic parties. In i860 the last great political battle was 
fought in which the old parties appeared in the field. The 
free-soil party triumphed. It bore its chosen leader, Mr. 
Lincoln, into the presidency. 

Many of the leading men of the South insisted that the 
institutions of that section had been brought under the ban of 
the national government, that the Southern States could no 
longer look to it for protection, that the objects for which the 
Union was formed were disregarded, and that the time had 
come for seceding from it as a peaceful solution of a contest 
hopeless of adjustment. A large body of Southern statesmen 
dissented from that view. I was one of the number who 
believed that all the great interests of the South were far 
safer within the Union than they could be outside of it. I 
had some time before said in my place in Congress that the 
whole civilized world was against slavery, that it was protected 
only by the bulwark of the Union, and that we could already 
feel the spray of the billows that dashed against that barrier. 
But the hour had struck ; the crisis had arrived ; revolution 
was inevitable. 

The great civil war that ensued sho' k the Union to its 
foundations ; but it stood, for it was founded upon a rock. It 
is too early to write the history of that great struggle, a drama 
in which many who bore a part are still living. The national 



APPENDIX. 417 

government triumphed, and slavery was immediately abolished 
throughout the United States. But it should be distinctly 
understood that war was not made on the part of the North to 
abolish slavery, nor on the part of the South to perpetuate it. 
It is impossible to comprehend the real significance of the 
question as to the results of emancipation, and the condition 
of the colored people in the South, without glancing at this 
historical review of the causes that produced a change unpar- 
alleled in the annals of the world, in the domestic and 
economic condition of a great section of the Union. These 
causes did not immediately cease to act after the convulsion 
had ended. Long after the storm has swept the ocean, its 
billows dash against the shore, and the ships that spread their 
sails upon its heaving bosom are driven far out of their course. 
Unhappily, the great quarrel originated in the relations of the 
Southern States to the Union, became a sectional issue, and it 
continued to influence the status of the colored race after 
emancipation had been accomplished. Political considera- 
tions continued to influence the settlement of a great social 
and economic question. In the language of Lord Bacon, 
" it was impossible to look at it in a dry light." 

It was supposed, when the war was ended, that the freed- 
men of the South could not be entrusted to the control of 
their late masters. Measures were adopted for their protec- 
tion. Not only were they admitted to equality under the laws, 
but political privileges were immediately conferred upon them. 
At the same time, the leading statesmen of the South were 
placed under disabilities. The anomalous spectacle was pre- 
sented of colored freedmen suddenly elevated to office, while 
white men, long accustomed to rule, were excluded from 
posts of honor and trust. Not merely were the slaves eman- 
cipated, but they were permitted to dominate. 

Numbers of adventurers from other States found their 
way to the South who sought for their own advantage to 
control the freedme:!,' and, utterly without principle, they 
encouraged distrust and hostility on the part of the colored 
people toward their former masters. Of course, under these 
influences, it was some time before the freedmen adjusted 



41 8 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

themselves to their new conditions. Many wandered from 
the plantations where they had been accustomed to work, and 
sought employment in the cities, leading a migratory and 
unprofitable life. 

But it must be said, in justice to the colored people, that 
never in the history of the world has a class, held in bondage 
and suddenly delivered from it, behaved so well. During the 
war the slaves were exemplary in their subordinate position ; 
no attempt at revolt was made, and in many instances they 
protected the families of their masters, who were in the army, 
to repel an invasion which it was declared would liberate 
them. So, too, since the war there has been less insubordina- 
tion, less violation of law, less disregard of the proprieties of 
life on the part of the colored people of the South than was 
ever known in the history of any emancipated race. And 
this people were not a feeble, degenerate, scattered tribe, but 
actually number 5,000,000, contributing to-day an element of 
strength in the Southern States. 

Never in the progress of human society have the two 
systems of labor — slave and free — had so fair a trial of their 
respective advantages as in the Southern States of the Union. 
I have observed the results of both systems. A native of the 
South, brought up and educated there, a slave-holder, repre- 
senting for a number of years in Congress one of the largest 
and wealthiest planting districts and a section where slave 
labor was exclusively employed, I observed the working of 
that system, conducted as it was with every advantage of soil, 
climate, humane and intelligent oversight ; and I am acquainted 
with the condition of that splendid extensive agricultural 
region to-day. 

" It was really believed throughout the South that emanci- 
pation would result in the utter ruin of the planting States ; it 
was insisted that slave labor was essential to the production 
of crops ; that the cultivation of cotton, sugar, and rice 
required regular, constant, reliable labor ; that if neglected 
at certain seasons all the results of previous toil would be 
lost ; that the planter must have such absolute control over 
the laborers as to be able to compel them to perform their 



APPENDIX. 419 

tasks ; that it was impracticable to secure the industry requi- 
site for success with free labor — contracts would be disre- 
garded, disputes would spring up, and at critical times work 
would be abandoned, bringing irreparable disaster. It was 
said that white men could not endure steady labor in climates 
where these profitable crops were made, and that the African 
race could alone be relied on to perform the agricultural 
work in the great fields of the South. The negro, if freed, 
would not work. He was naturally indolent, thriftless, im- 
provident, and utterly unreliable, unless driven by the lash of 
a taskmaster. 

Some persons, too, who seemed to be deeply concerned 
for the well-being of society and the interests of civilization, 
professed to fear that the setting free of such a class would 
disturb the order of communities, sensitive to any extension of 
privileges to the African race. 

But, in the order of Providence, all these clouds that threw 
their portentous shadows across the heaven of the future have 
disappeared. Galileo was right when he said, " The world 
moves." Never were the States of the South so prosperous as 
they are to-day. Never were the relations between the white 
and colored races so good as they are under the new con- 
ditions of life in the South. 

President Hayes, whose administration has contributed so 
largely to the advancement of the prosperity of the country 
in all its varied interests, said, in a recent speech in describing 
the condition of public feeling in the Southern States : " Ma- 
terial prosperity is increasing there ; race prejudices and 
antagonisms have diminished ; the passions and the animosi- 
ties of the war are subsiding, and the ancient harmony, and 
concord, and patriotic national sentiments are returning." 

The negroes labor well, patiently, and faithfully, not only 
in the cities but on the plantations. They are more intelligent 
and trustworthy than before emancipation, and whether en- 
gaged by contract, or working for shares of the crop, the 
results are far more satisfactory than under the old system of 
compulsory labor. They are cheerful and thrifty, and sup- 
ply the best labor for the wide agricultural region of the 



420 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES, 

Southern States that could be secured. The largest cotton 
crop ever made in the South, estimated at 6,000,000 bales, 
has been produced this year chiefly by the labor of freedmen. 

The freedmen lay up something for themselves, and con- 
stitute an important element in the increasing wealth of the 
South. In one single Southern State this property is estimated 
to be worth several millions of dollars. They have advanced 
in intelligence, and are regarded as valuable citizens of the 
commonwealths where they formerly labored as slaves. In 
Atlanta, the capital of the great State of Georgia, there is a 
prosperous university for colored students. Some of the most 
efficient and conservative teachers in the State were educated 
there. Its students number 240, representing ten different 
States, and forty-seven counties in Georgia. The trustees 
hold sixty acres of valuable land adjoining the college edi- 
fices, a splendid endowment, and besides other revenues, re- 
ceive 8,000 dollars per annum from the State. The library 
already comprises 4,000 volumes. The spectacle presented 
by the Southern States to-day is one of peaceful, cheerful, 
prosperous labor ; the slave-driver has disappeared, the 
sounds that break the stillness of plantation life are the voices 
of a willing people engaged in work, which, while it enriches 
the planter, adds to the well-being of the sons of toil. 

It is doubtless true that the system of slave labor in the 
Southern States of the Union was the most humane ever con- 
ducted in any part of the world. The planters, as a class, 
were men of a superior order, and they gave personal attention 
to the plantations. There were certainly occasional abuses 
even under that generally mild administration. It is impos- 
sible to provide against abuses under a system of absolute 
slavery. Where one human being has the power to control the 
labor of another, to assign his tasks, to order what his food 
and clothing shall be, to consign him to hard work in the most 
insalubrious spots, to take the products of his hands, to lay 
the lash on his back, to sell him away from his wife and chil- 
dren, to whip wife and child before his eyes, to become destiny 
for him, shutting out from him capriciously the light of heaven 
and the sweet pure air, it must be expected that the better qual- 



APPENDIX. 421 

ities of human nature will at times be less powerful in dealing 
with the victims of such a code than the coarser and meaner 
lusts which have wrought so much wretchedness in the world. 
If Dante could have witnessed some of the scenes in these abject 
abodes of human misery, he might have deepened his descrip- 
tion of the horrors in the " Inferno." 

Fortunately for us in the United States, even the humane 
system of slavery which prevailed there has passed away for 
ever. The shadow upon the dial of human conscience must 
go back many degrees before any considerable number of men 
in the Southern States of the Union would consent to see 
slavery restored. To-day, not a slave treads the soil of free- 
dom, from the waters of the St. Lawrence to the Mexican sea, 
from the shore of the Atlantic, where the rising sun greets the 
flag of the Republic, to the distant coast of the Pacific, where 
his setting beams kindle upon its folds. 

It is now clearly understood that slave labor is the dear- 
est in the world. The money invested in the purchase of 
slaves, the expenses incurred in maintaining them, the charges 
incident to keeping them in health and comfort, the duty of 
providing for the infirm and the aged, require a large amount 
of capital, from which free labor is exempt. 

But there are higher considerations than these : the re- 
sponsibility, the deep abiding sense of conscientious duty, the 
obligation to acquit one's self well of the great task of compel- 
ling labor and of grasping all its fruits, the accountability for 
the well-being of dependent creatures — all this, viewed in the 
light that reveals all human affairs, must throw an ominous 
shadow over the places where the slave abides, and sighs, and 
toils in hopeless captivity. 

Since the abolition of slavery in the Southern States of the 
Union, a movement in favor of immigration from other States, 
and from abroad, has been developed in the most satisfactory 
way. Heretofore, while the fertile lands and fine climate of 
those States invited settlers, they did not come, but made their 
homes in the West, contributing to build up great States, and 
covering the country to the base of the Rocky Mountains 
with abounding crops, adding, above all, to the material wealth 



422 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

of those commonwealths, the priceless treasure of an abiding, 
growing, prosperous, and happy people. 

Now I observe with the greatest satisfaction that an Eng- 
lish colony of the best class is about to be planted in East 
Tennessee, one of the most inviting parts of the Southern 
country. It is under the guidance of Mr. Thomas Hughes, 
M. P., an eminent scholar and statesman, who has displayed 
admirable judgment in selecting lands for the new colony. It 
is the first token of a happy future for the States so long want- 
ing such settlers. Such a colony would not have been founded 
in Tennessee if slavery still existed there. 

Emancipation in the Southern States was tried by every 
disadvantage to which it could be subjected ; it was sudden, 
violent, and universal. The passage of the Red Sea seemed to 
be full of peril, but the enfranchised hosts passed over dry- 
shod, and the captivity was ended. It seemed to be better 
that this great transformation should be gradual, that both the 
white and colored races might prepare for the structural change 
in their relations to each other. I thought that this would re- 
quire several years. Emancipation was not only immediate and 
universal, accomplished between the rising and the going down 
of the sun, but it was without compensation. Such a revolution 
in human society had never before occurred since men first 
began to gather into communities on the plains of the East. 

Many Southern families were utterly impoverished. A 
new and terrible appeal was made to the noble qualities of 
Southern men, but they bore it well, heroically, grandly. And 
now that it is all over we would not recall the past. We do 
not speak of destiny ; we submit to Providence. The mighty 
change that has taken place in our fortunes awakens in us 
neither regrets nor reproaches. We have turned our backs on 
the past ; we look with courage to the future. The effect 
upon the white race at the South is infinitely better. Our 
young men respond to the appeal to their manhood ; they 
address themselves to the tasks of life with energy and pur- 
pose. They have caught the spirit of our great poet Longfel- 
low's line — 

" Life is real, life is earnest." 



APPENDIX. 423 

So, too, this deliverance from bondage is better for the 
colored race ; they enjoy at once, without a lingering captivity, 
the priceless treasure of freedom. 

I have read the manifesto of the Anti-Slavery Society with 
profound interest. The cause is set forth with great ability, and 
the appeal in behalf of the enslaved race is most impressive. 

It seems that slavery in Brazil is already under the ban of 
the imperial government. The law of the 28th September, 
187 1, adopted under the lead of your great and honored states- 
man, Visconde do Rio Branco, providing that after its pro- 
mulgation no child should be born a slave in Brazil, announced 
that this great empire had ranged itself with all the civilized 
world in condemnation of human servitude. The only question 
now is whether the million and a half of slaves in the country 
shall be still held in bondage, or be brought within the sweep 
of the beneficent spirit which prompted the grand act of the 
imperial government in behalf of human freedom. 

Brazil is a great country, vast in extent, with a mild climate 
and fertile soil, yielding freely coffee, sugar, tobacco, and cot- 
ton, besides other agricultural products, rich with tropical 
fruits, abounding in valuable metals and precious stones, with 
the sea-coast 4,000 miles in extent. Such a country invites 
agricultural colonization. It need not distrust its future. It 
need not hesitate to commit itself to the policy adopted in the 
United States. With the extinction of slavery free labor will 
develop its immeasurable resources. The freedmen, already 
accustomed to its climate and its methods of industry, will 
supply the immediate demands for labor on the plantation. 
Gradually relieved from bondage, they will perform their tasks 
cheerfully, and ceasing to be a dependent class, not assimilat- 
ing with the other inhabitants, but lingering in hopeless cap- 
tivity, they will at once contribute to the wealth and strength of 
the country. Guided, trained, enlightened by the civilization 
that surrounds them, they will take part cheerfully in the 
industrial pursuits of the country — a country destined to be 
one of the greatest and happiest on the globe. 

As to the time to be fixed for the full enfranchisement of 
the enslaved race, it is well to consult the experience of other 



424 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

countries in dealing with this important question. The minis- 
try in England took up the subject as early as 1832 ; they 
proposed to inquire : 

First. Whether the slaves, if emancipated, would maintain 
themselves, be industrious, and disposed to acquire property by 
labor ? 

Second. Whether the dangers of convulsions would be 
greater from freedom withheld than from freedom granted ? 

But before the report was made Parliament adopted an 
emancipation plan, and fixed upon a measure of apprentice- 
ship of the slaves of four and six years, and voted moderate 
compensation. 

The French government under Louis Philippe fixed ten 
years as the term, and added compensation ; but the revolu- 
tion came, and Lamartine at once signed a paper that set free 
the slaves in the colonial possessions of France. 

Seven years might be fixed as the term in Brazil for holding 
the African race still in bondage. It would seem to be espe- 
cially appropriate, in selecting the period for the termination of 
slavery in the empire, to fix upon the 28th of September, 1887, 
the anniversary of the great measure which provided that after 
its promulgation no child born in Brazil should be a slave. 

But the imperial government will treat this question under 
the lights that surround it and in reference to considerations 
which affect its own welfare. It is well constituted to guide 
the fortunes of this great country. Its history inspires confi- 
dence throughout the world, — its stability in the midst of con- 
vulsions that shook other states, its ruler displaying the great 
qualities of a man and a statesman, its Senate composed of 
wise, able, and experienced statesmen, profoundly versed in 
political science, its Chamber of Deputies constituted of enlight- 
ened gentlemen representing all parts of the empire with 
dignity and ability. 

When the great measure of enfranchisement shall be 
matured and promulgated it will be hailed with the benedic- 
tions of mankind. May the day soon dawn. It will not only 
illumine the empire but will cheer with its light the remotest 
parts of the civilized world. 



APPENDIX. 425 

In the letter which you have done me the honor to address 
to me, you refer to Mr. Webster and to Mr. Clay as leaders of 
the Whig party in the United States, and to my association 
with them in Congress. I knew them well, and, though a much 
younger man, I enjoyed an intimate friendship with Mr. Webster. 

Mr. Clay was a splendid impersonation of an American 
statesman — bold, frank, and ardent. He was distinguished for 
his oratory, powerful in the Senate, resistless on the hustings. 
He was a Southern man, a native of Virginia, and a citizen of 
Kentucky, to which State he removed in his youth, and was 
its representative in Congress for many years. He favored 
emancipation in his own State, but did not identify himself 
with the abolitionists of his day, feeling bound to respect the 
provisions of the Constitution which gave Congress no jurisdic- 
tion, leaving it to be disposed of in the States where it existed. 

Mr. Webster was a native of New Hampshire, but in his 
early manhood fixed his residence in Massachusetts. He did 
not commit himself to the measures of the anti-slavery party, 
being restrained by his respect for the Constitution of the 
United States. He won for himself the proud distinction of 
being called '' Defender of the Constitution." No man sur- 
passed Mr. Webster in the qualities that constitute a states- 
man ; his imperial intellect, his large attainments, the tone of 
his character, the Olympian power and splendor of his elo- 
quence, his personal appearance, the dignity of his manner, — 
all gave him an unrivalled grandeur in the midst of his peers. 
He filled so great a place in the country that his death was like 
the fall of a castle from whose battlements banners had waved 
and from whose embrasures artillery had thundered. 

Both these great statesmen died before the crisis came 
that tried the strength of American institutions. If they had 
lived they might have averted civil war. 

They were both leaders of the Whig party — -a great, power- 
ful, patriotic party embracing the whole country, and disdain- 
ing to bend to sectional influences. So long as it existed it 
was the great conservative power in the nation, protecting all 
its interests and shedding a splendor over the whole country. 
I shared its fortunes throughout the whole term of its exist- 



426 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

ence. It gave way before the fierce sectional struggle that 
produced the war, but its surviving members still cling to its 
traditions and glory in its memories. 

I need not assure you that you have my best wishes for 
your success as a statesman. You may not at once secure the 
accomplishment of your wishes, but you may live to witness 
the complete triumph of the measures which you believe will 
promote the prosperity and glory of your country. Few men 
are so fortunate as to live long enough to reap the fruition of 
their labors — labors faithfully performed for the advancement 
of their race. Every great political career has its vicissitudes, 
its lights and shade ; the very energy that impels one to scale 
mountain heights may occasion a fall, but a true man will rise 
again to take part in the noble struggle of the forum. 

Among the really great and fortunate men of our time Mr„ 
Gladstone seems to enjoy the felicitous attainment of states- 
manship described in Gray's fine lines : 

" The applause of listening Senates to command, 
The threats of pain and ruin to despise, 
To scatter plenty o'er a smiling land. 
And read his history in a nation's eyes." 

May it be your good fortune to serve your country well, and 
to be appreciated for your honorable labors. The noble cause 
to which you have consecrated your abilities, the courage with 
which you have advanced upon your course, and the manli- 
ness with which you express your convictions, entitle you 
to the highest respect and consideration. The true object of 
honorable ambition is not success, but, as Lord Mansfield 
expresses it, "the pursuit of noble ends by noble means." 
We must put forth our best efforts for the accomplishment of 
honorable and great tasks, but, after all, we must leave the 
result to the supreme ordering of Divine Providence. 

I tender you assurances of my high regard, and I beg you to 
believe me. 

My dear Mr. Nabuco, Your's etc., 
(Signed) Henry Washington Milliard. 

Hon. Joaquim Nabuco. 



APPENDIX. 427 

MR. FORD TO EARL GRANVILLE (RECEIVED DECEMBER 3IST). 

Rio de Janeiro, December i, 1880. 
My Lord : 

With reference to my despatch transmitting a copy of a 
letter which had been addressed by Mr. Hilliard, the United 
States Minister at this Court, to Senhor Joaquim Nabuco, 
Deputy from Pernambuco, on the subject of a speedier solu- 
tion of the slavery question than the one contemplated by the 
existing law of the 28th of September, 187 1, I have the honor 
to transmit herewith to your Lordship copy of a speech deliv- 
ered by the United States Minister at a banquet which was 
given to him by a number of Brazilian abolitionists on the 
20th of last month. 

The conduct of the United States Minister, as I have men- 
tioned to your Lordship in my former despatch, has been 
subjected to considerable criticism, and has formed of late the 
subject of debates in the House of Representatives, where 
speeches have been made maintaining that a foreign Repre- 
sentative infringes his official character and oversteps his 
privileges when he assumes to take a prominent part in the 
discussion of questions which are of purely domestic policy of 
the country to which he is accredited. 

One member in particular, M. Belfort Duarte, the Deputy 
from Maranhao, addressed in the House a categorical list of 
questions on the subject to M. Sariava, the Brazilian Prime 
Minister and President of the Council. 

M. Sariava replied to him in as categorical a manner, as your 
Lordship will perceive from the enclosed copy and translation 
of the minister's speech. 

It is my impression that this diplomatic incident may now 
be considered as terminated, and that no more will be heard 
of the matter. 

I have, etc., 

(Signed) Francis Clare Ford. 



428 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

NEWSPAPER EXTRACT. 

Banquet to Mr. Hilliard. — A banquet was given on the 
evening of the 20th instant to Honorable Henry W. Hilliard, 
American Minister to Brazil, by the Brazilian Anti-Slavery 
Society, as a token of appreciation for the service rendered to 
the cause of human freedom in his late resume of the results of 
emancipation in the United States. There was a large num- 
ber of prominent abolitionists present, among whom were 
Deputies Nabuco, Saldana Marinho, Serra, Moura, and Sodre, 
Dr. Adolpho Debarros, Dr. Nicolao Moreira, Dr. Ferreira de 
Menezea, of the Gazeta da Tarde, and many others whose 
names our space will not permit us to give. The banquet 
was a very brilliant affair throughout, and among the large 
number of anti-slavery speeches made were many which were 
eloquent in behalf of the cause of abolition, and which should 
find a permanent place in the records of this movement. Our 
time and space will not permit us to give even an abstract of 
these speeches ; we are able to reproduce no more than Mr. 
Hilliard's reply to an eloquent introduction and defence of 
his recent letter on American emancipation, by the President 
of the Society, Deputy Joaquim Nabuco. 

MR. hilliard's speech. 

Gentlemen : 

In rising to make my acknowledgments for the very kind 
words which we have just heard from my honorable and elo- 
quent friend, M. Nabuco, I must at the same time beg you to 
accept my warmest thanks in providing this splendid banquet 
as a mark of your appreciation of the sentiments expressed 
in my late letter in regard to emancipation in the United 
States. 

It is not my purpose on this occasion to do more than to 
speak in general terms of the immeasurable advantages of free 
labor over a system of compulsory and unremunerative labor. 
It is a great social and economic question about which ray own 
judgment is made up and settled. The experience of all na- 
tions teaches us that no country can enjoy the highest prosperity 



APPENDIX. 429 

and happiness attainable where slavery exists. But I shall not 
enter into an argument in support of that proposition on an 
occasion like this. 

Allow me to say I cannot feel that I am a stranger in Brazil. 
Long before I stood upon its soil and looked out upon its 
beautiful scenery (far the most beautiful I have anywhere 
seen) I felt a deep interest in the country. Coming from my 
own country to this, it seemed to me that the United States and 
Brazil were bound to each other by strong ties ; that we were 
merely neighboring nations dividing between us so large a part 
of the American continent, and having great interests in com- 
mon which we should develop for ourselves on this side of the 
Atlantic, without being disturbed by the struggles of the states 
of Europe. Your country, like mine, had thrown off its alle- 
giance to a foreign power, and asserted and maintained its 
right to be free and independent. 

More than this, in both countries a great system of constitu- 
tional government had been established. We have a day 
which, with every recurring anniversary, calls forth new attesta- 
tions of popular rejoicing — the 4th of July ; and you have 
yours — the 7th of September. 

So, too, not a great while after our independence was accom- 
plished, we framed a Constitution and established a national 
government, under which we have advanced to the highest 
prosperity. You, at an early day, adopted your constitution, 
under which you have made steady progress as a nation. One 
of the noblest monuments in the world adorns a beautiful 
square in your city in commemoration of the date of your con- 
stitution. In both countries there are great free governments, 
and both are advancing side by side to a prosperous, happy, 
and glorious future. 

In my country we feel the highest respect and warmest 
regard for the Emperor of Brazil. When he came to us as a 
visitor he was everywhere welcomed ; he travelled extensively ; 
he saw our great cities, our broad plains, our growing States 
spreading from the Atlantic to the Pacific. And we observed 
him ; we were impressed with his unostentatious greatness, the 
real majesty of the man, and the true dignity of the sovereign. 



430 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

When he took leave of our shores he left behind him countless 
numbers of friends, and we should be happy to welcome him 
once more. 

In the views which I expressed in my letter as to the results 
of the enfranchisement of the colored race in the United 
States, I limited myself to a statement of the happy transforma- 
tion in the condition of the people in the great agricultural 
region where slavery formerly existed, tested by an experience 
of fifteen years. As a man and an American I rejoice that 
slavery no longer exists in the United States. I confess that I 
should be glad to see it pass away from the whole world. 

There are, gentlemen, certain great underlying principles 
which it seems to me impossible to disregard. You might as 
well try to disregard the laws of nature. And in applying 
these great principles we are apt to be misled if we yield too 
much to expediency. 

Really there are some questions affecting human society to 
which you cannot apply considerations of expediency. The 
grand power of right asserts itself like one of the forces of 
nature. It disdains to yield to policy, and sweeps aside the 
obstacles that would impede the advance of civilization. 

The mariner who Avould guide his vessel across the ocean 
does not lean over its side to observe the drift of the currents ; 
they would bear him far out of his course. Nor can he always 
see the stars in the heavens ; clouds may overcast the sky. 
But in the midst of darkness and tempest and the war of the 
waves, he fixes his eye on the compass that tells him his true 
course ; the needle that trembles on its pivot, true to the power 
that attracts it, enables him to find his way in the pathless sea 
and reach the haven of safety. So in great questions affecting 
the destiny of the human race : to refuse to act because some 
inconvenience might result to us from our course, to look at the 
currents that drive us out of the true course, to refuse to look 
at the clear, unswerving line of principle, is to commit a stu- 
pendous blunder in advance. The great moral laws of the 
universe always avenge themselves in such cases. 

I would not be understood to say that the conditions which 
affect the status of slavery in any country are to be overlooked 



APPENDIX. 431 

or disregarded. Far from it. They are to be carefully con- 
sidered. To accomplish in the best way and at the proper time 
any great work, we must study the proper methods to effect 
our purpose. But to refuse to listen to the teachings of history, 
to decline to survey the situation, to sit down with the selfish 
purpose to take no step for the advancement of the happiness 
of our race lest we should suffer by the change in the social 
condition of those about us, is what neither the philanthropist 
nor the statesman can approve. 

Such a course makes one amenable to a moral law too power- 
ful to be resisted. It is the beautiful expression of Hooker, 
that " law has her seat in the bosom of God, and her voice is 
the harmony of the universe." That law is irresistible in its 
force ; there can be no harmony in the universe until right 
prevails everywhere. 

Look to history. The nations in their march have shed a 
broad light upon the track of human progress. The mighty 
monarchies of the East have perished. The proud structures 
all over the world, that dominated over human right, have gone 
down. Modern nations have sprung up ; the principles of 
liberty have asserted their force ; absolute power cannot lift its 
sceptre in the light of the closing splendor of the nineteenth 
century. Public opinion to-day governs the world ; it is im- 
possible to resist it ; it is making its power felt in all nations ; 
it is more powerful than any government on the globe : its 
authority surpasses the fabled strength of Olympian Jove. It 
follows the sun in its course, and visits with its transforming 
power all places under the whole heavens. It will accomplish 
the enfranchisement of the human race. 

I beg that it may be understood I do not permit myself to 
speak of the institutions of Brazil. In asserting my firm belief 
in great principles, I limit myself to a general statement. The 
application must be made by those who have the right to 
control the destinies of this great country — a country full of 
promise, with vast resources, and which will yet attain the high- 
est degree of national prosperity and happiness. The time for 
the enfranchisement of the million and a half of slaves in 
this country requires much and careful consideration. The 



432 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

question is in the hands of wise statesmen, who will know how 
to treat it in all its important relations. 

As I have said already, your government is admirably organ- 
ized to dispose of all questions that affect the well-being of 
the country. The Emperor is known to be a great statesman, 
a profound student, who has enjoyed the advantage of personal 
observation of a large part of the world ; your senators are 
able and experienced statesmen ; your Chamber of Deputies is 
composed of gentlemen representing all parts of the country 
with dignity and ability, thoroughly acquainted with its con- 
dition and its wants, and competent to dispose of all the ques- 
tions that affect its interests. You have a free and enlightened 
press. It is impossible to doubt that the important social and 
economic question, to which I have referred, will be disposed 
of in a way to advance the prosperity and happiness of the 
country. Such a cause as you advocate, gentlemen, must 
always encounter opposition. I dare say your great, honored, 
and lamented statesman Visconde do Rio Branco, who has just 
gone down to a grave bedewed with the tears of a nation, found 
it no easy task to accomplish a statesman-like plan, providing 
by law that after its promulgation no child should be born a 
slave in Brazil. He encountered opposition, but he triumphed. 

There is always a distrust of the successful working of any 
plan which proposes to effect important changes in the economic 
and social affairs of any country. The distrust is natural ; it is 
to be respected ; it is to be dealt with in the best spirit. But 
it yields to the irresistible force of enlightened public sentiment. 

I am profoundly grateful, gentlemen, for this mark of your 
appreciation of the sentiments expressed in my recent letter ; 
the opinions given with frankness, upon a great question affect- 
ing the destiny of our race and the interests of civilization, will 
stand the test of time ; and I feel myself honored in being 
able to contribute anything towards the advancement of a cause 
which proposes to accomplish so much good for this great and 
interesting country. Of course I could not intervene in the 
affairs of Brazil if I desired to do so ; I entertain no such pur- 
pose. I state the results of my observation of the substitution 
of free for slave labor in my own country, and I trust to a gen- 



APPENDIX. 433 

erous construction of the spirit in which I have treated a great 
question which enlists the sympathy of the whole civilized 
world. I shall in the future recur to this occasion with an in- 
terest which time cannot chill, and cherish a pleasing recollection 
of one of the brightest evenings of my life. 

Allow me, gentlemen, to propose a sentiment : The spirit of 
liberty — it cannot be subdued ; like the central fires of the 
earth, sooner or later, it will upheave everything that oppresses 
it and flame up to heaven. 

EXTRACT FROM THE Diario Official of November 27, 1880. 
[Translation.] 



SPEECH DELIVERED BY M. SARIAVA ON THE 25TH NOVEMBER, 

1880. 

The questions refer to home and foreign affairs. I will 
reply to all those which concern the Chamber of Deputies. 

First Question. 

Does the imperial government approve in general of the 
anti-slavery propaganda, and especially that which has been ^ 
held in public meetings by means of political banquets and 
a manifesto issued by a foreign representative ? 

Answer. 

Before replying to that question it is necessary to rectify a 
point. There has been no manifesto issued by a foreign repre- 
sentative relative to the anti-slavery propaganda, but only the 
expression of the personal opinion of Mr. Hilliard on the 
question of slavery addressed to a Brazilian deputy. Having 
made this correction, I reply to the first question by saying 
that the ministry of the 28th March has already explained 
pretty clearly, in this august assembly, its entire views on the 
question. Resuming all I have said, I will again make the 
following declaration : The members of the ministry, over 
whom I have the honor of presiding, are of opinion that the 



434 POLITICS AND PEN PICTURES. 

law of the 28th September, 187 1, can effect a complete solu- 
tion of the question, because it can follow the gradual and 
progressive development of free labor, and the extinction of 
slavery in a greater or less number of years, without disturb- 
ance of, and without interruption to, the great progress of the 
nation. In spite, however, of what I have now said, the 
ministry of the 28th March are of opinion that it is their duty 
to respect, as they have respected, all the opinions which are 
contrary to theirs so long as they are confined to legal grounds. 

Second Question. 

The United States Minister — did he appear at the anti-slav- 
ery political banquet held on the 20th instant, in his official 
or semi-official character, directly or indirectly with the acqui- 
escence of the imperial government ? 

Answer. 

I reply. No. Mr. Hilliard appeared at the banquet in his 
private capacity. What he said in his letter and at the 
banquet can only be regarded as the expression of his private 
opinion without any official character, and, being subjected to 
public appreciation, has nothing to do with either the approval 
or disapproval of the imperial government. 

Third Question. 

In case of disapproval on the part of the imperial government 
of the conduct of the foreign representative, what steps do 
they propose taking ? and, moreover, what line do the govern- 
ment propose to pursue in face of the illegal meetings on the 
question of the abolition of slavery ? 

Answer. 

This question is answered by my reply to questions Nos. 
one and two. 

Now that I have rendered satisfaction to the member from 
Maranhao, I will only consider one topic of his speech. He 
need be under no apprehension lest the representatives of for- 



APPENDIX. 



435 



eign powers should meddle in our affairs. Should such a con- 
tingency arise, the government feels assured that they would 
meet with the support of every Brazilian without even except- 
ing those who entertain contrary opinions to it as to the mode 
of solving the question of slavery. 




INDEX. 



Adams, Charles Francis, 196, 197 

Adams, John Quincy, 127, 183 ; cir- 
cumstance attending the death of, 
183-5 ; tributes in Congress to, 
186-90 

Aix-la-Chapelle, 43 

Alabama, State Convention at Mont- 
gomery, 310 ; secession of, 311 

Albert Edward (Prince Consort), 81 

American Institute, Mr. Hilliard's 
speech at Castle Garden, New York, 
in behalf of, 235-9 

American Party, the, organization of, 
268 ; National Convention at Phila- 
delphia, 269 

American Review, biographical notice 
of Mr. Milliard in, 2IO, 2II 

Ampudia, Gen., 162 

Amsterdam, 97 

Anderson, Major Robert, 308, 314, 320 

Anti-slavery agitation in the North, 
285 

Anti-slavery movement in Brazil, 
393-402 ; Report concerning, as pub- 
lished in the British Parliamentary 
Blue-Book, 411-35 

Anti-Slavery party, Convention in Buf- 
falo, 196 ; platform of, 196 

Antwerp, 40 

Appleton, Nathan, 200 

Appleton, Thomas G., 201 



Appomattox, surrender of Gen. Lee's 

army at, 340, 341 
Arkansas, secession of, 333 
Ashburton, Lord, 28 
Assassination of President Lincoln, 

343. 344 
Attempted assassination of Mr. Sew- 
ard, 349, 350 



Badger, George E., 213 

Baltimore, Democratic Convention at, 
in 1848, 193 ; in 1852, 259 ; Whig 
National Convention at, 259, 269 ; 
adjourned Democratic National 
Convention at, in i860, 288 ; ad- 
journed meeting of Southern dele- 
gates at, in i860, 289 ; National 
Convention of the Constitutional 
Union Party at, 289 

Bank of the United States, the, 13 

Banquet given to Mr. Hilliard, Anti- 
Slavery Society in Rio, 398, 399 

Barbour, James, 5 

Barnwell, Mr., 316 

Barrow, Senator, 178, 180 

Bartow, Col. Francis S., 336 

Bayley, Gen., 178 

Beaconsfield, the Earl of, 388, 389 

Beauregard, General G. T., 318-22, 

334 
Beecher, Henry Ward, 345 



437 



438 



INDEX. 



Bee, General Bernard, 336 

Belgium, Mr. Hilliard appointed Min- 
ister to, 26 ; government of, 53 

Bell, John, 289 

Belser, James E., 121 

Benjamin, Judah P., 316 

Benton, Thomas H., 176, 177, 213 

Berrien, John McP., 200, 213 

Bissel, Col., 168 

Black, Jeremiah, 276 

Blaine, James G., 407, 40S 

Bliss, Col., 169 

Booth, John Wilkes, 343 

Botanical Garden Railroad of Rio de 
Janeiro, 375 

Boundary between Texas and New 
Mexico, passage of a measure de- 
fining same, 232 

Bowden, 200 

Bragg, Capt. (afterwards Brig. -Gen.) 
Braxton, 167 seq. 

Brazil, Mr. Hilliard appointed Minis- 
ter to, 358 ; the imperial family of, 
367-9 ; trade-mark treaty with, 
373-5 ; slavery in, 393-402 

Breckenridge, John C, 269, 270, 289 

Breda, 93 

Briey, Count de, interview with, 82 ; 
views concerning annexation of 
Texas, 83 

Broek, 98 

Brougham, Lord, 37 

Brown, A. V., 276 

Brussels, 41 ; visit of Queen Victoria 
to, 80 

Buchanan, James, 269, 270, 275-7, 
313 ; Cabinet of, 275, 276 

Buena Vista, battle of, 166 seq. ; Jack- 
son's report, 172 seq. ; number of 
troops engaged in, 173 

Buffalo, Convention of Anti-Slavery 
Party in, 196 

Bulwer, Lady, 246 

Bulwer-Lytton, Sir Edward Robert, 
246 



Bulwer, Sir Henry Lytton, 174, 246 
Bunker Hill, meeting at, 20 
Butler, Gen. William O., 194, 197 



Calhoun, John C, 3, 17, 18, ill, 

176, 198-200, 212, 220-6, 255 
California, President Taylor recom- 
mends its admission as a State, 215 
Cass, Gen. Lewis, 194, 197, 213, 275, 

314 

Castle Garden, Mr. Hilliard's speech 
at, in behalf of the American Insti- 
tute, 235-9 

Cathedral of St. Gudule, 78 

Chapman, Gov., 271 

Charleston, Democratic National Con- 
vention at, 385-S ; adjourns to 
meet in Baltimore, 287 

Charleston harbor, President Bu- 
chanan refuses to withdraw garrison 
from, 314 

Charlotte, Princess, 47. 

Chase, Salmon P., 213, 218, 352 

Chicago, Republican National Con- 
vention at, 290 

Choate, Rufus, 152 

Cincinnati, Democratic National Con- 
vention at, 269. 

Clay, Henry 3, 12, no, 116, 120, 
195, 213, 216, 261 ; Mr. Hilliard's 
eulogy of, at Montgomery, 261, 
262 

Clay, Lieut.-Col. Henry, 172 

Clayton, John M., 206 

Clemens, Senator, 272 

Cobb, Howell, 129, 214, 276 314, 315 

Cochran, John, 122-5, 250 

CoUamer, Jacob, 130 ' 

Cologne, 85 

Commercial convention at Montgom- 
ery, 255-8 

Confederate government, organization 
of, 315 



INDEX. 



439 



Confederate States, 342 

Congress, sovereign power of, over the 
territories of the United States, 270 

Constitutional Union Party, the, or- 
ganization of, 28g ; National Con- 
vention of, at Baltimore, 289 

Constitution, the, Mr. Hilliard's argu- 
ment from, in support of slavery in 
the territories, 299 

Convention, see under Baltimore, Buf- 
falo, Charleston, Chicago, Cincin- 
nati, Georgia, Harrisburg, Mont- 
gomery, and Philadelphia. 

Cooper Union, New York, mass-meet- 
ing at, 292-4 ; Mr. Hilliard's speech 
at, 294-302 

Corcoran, W. W., 247 

Currency and government, 13 

Cushing, Caleb, 285 



D 



Dallas, George M., 120, 126, 182 

Dangerfield, Mr., Minister of the Re- 
public of Texas, gi ; seeks recog- 
nition from Belgium, 92 

Davis, Garrett, 178 

Davis, J. C. Bancroft, 357 

Davis, Jefferson, 132, 148, 167, 171, 
174, 182, 315-9, 325-31, 340; 
Cabinet of, 316 ; first message of, 
331, 332 

Davis, Penelope, 2 

Dayton, William L., 270 

Democratic National Convention in 
Baltimore, in 1848, 193 ; in 1852, 
259; at Cincinnati, 269; at Charleston 
in i860, 285-8; secession of Southern 
delegates from, 287; adjourned meet- 
ing of, at Baltimore, 288 ; adjourned 
meeting of Southern delegates to, 
289 

Donelson, Andrew J., 269 

Douglas, Stephen A., 129, 182, 266, 
288 



Dromgoole, George C, 128 
Durand, Mme. Marie, 376, 377 

E 

Emancipation of slaves in Brazil, 
movement in behalf of, 393-402 ; 
Mr. Hilliard's efforts in behalf of, 
Report concerning as published in 
the British Parliamentary Blue-Book, 
411-35; 394 seq. ; extract from 
newspaper account of the banquet 
to Mr. Hilliard, 428 ; Mr. Hilliard's 
speech in behalf of, 428-33 

Emancipation proclamation, the, 336- 
40 ; Mr. Hilliard's views upon, 

352-5 

Evarts, "William M., 357, 374 

Everett, Edward, 33, 289, 302-4 

Ewing, Thomas, 207 

Extradition of fugitive slaves, the, dis- 
satisfaction in the North at the 
adoption of the law concerning, 
246 ; Whig Convention at Baltimore 
in 1852 affirms acts concerning, 260 



Farrar, Cannon Frederick W., 407 

Fillmore, Millard, 195, 197, 206, 212, 
229, 230, 269, 270, 273, 275 

Fitzpatrick, Benjamin, 200, 288 

Florida, secession of, 308 

Floyd, John B., 276, 314 

"Force-Bill," the, 18 

Ford, Francis H., 380; letter of, to 
Earl Granville, transmitting corre- 
spondence concerning the abolition 
of slavery in Brazil, 41 1-7 ; letter 
of, to Earl Granville, transmitting a 
copy of Mr. Hilliard's speech at the 
banquet given to him by the Brazil- 
ian Anti-Slavery Society, 427 

Fort Pickens, 312 

Fort Sumter, 308, 312, 320 ; fleet sent 
to relief of, 318 ; surrender of, 321 



440 



INDEX. 



Free-Soil Party, igi, 192, 267 
Fremont, Gen. John C, 270, 275 
Fugitive slaves, dissatisfaction in the 
North concerning the law for the 
extradition of, 244 ; acts relating to 
affirmed by the Whig Convention at 
Baltimore in 1852, 260 ; rescue of, 
in Boston, 245 

G 

Gambetta, Leon M., 391 
Garfield, Gen. James A., 403, 405 
Georgia, State Convention at Milledge- 

ville, 311 ; secession of, 312 
Gillett, Francis, 370 
Government and currency, 13 
Graham, William, 260 
Grant, Gen. U. S., 341, 389-90 
Greeley, Horace, i, 337 
Greenough, C. B., 375, 376 
Guadalupe Hidalgo, peace negotiated 

at, 176 
Guizot, Fran9ois P. G., 70, 103 

H 

Haarlem, 96 

Hague, The, 94 

Hamlin, Hannibal, 290 

Hardin, Col. John J., 170, 172, 174 

Harrisburg, Pa. , National Whig Con- 
vention at, i-ii 

Harris, Hon. Mr., of Alabama, 200 

Harris, Isham G., 326 

Harrison, Gen. William Henry, i, 7 
seq., 15, 23, 24 ; Cabinet of, 23 

Hayes, Rutherford B., 356 

Heidelberg, 88 

Henry, Joseph, 151 

Hill, Benjamin H., 274, 311 

Hillard, George S., 303 

Hilliard, Camillus B., 334 

Hilliard, Henry W., appointed dele- 
gate to Whig National Convention 
at Harrisburg, i ; votes for Mr. 



Clay, 7 ; votes for Mr. Tyler, 8 ; 
pledges support of Alabama for Gen. 
Harrison and Mr. Tyler, 11 ; de- 
clines the mission to Portugal, 25 ; 
appointed Minister to Belgium, 26 ; 
audience with King Leopold, 73 ; 
successfully opposes the increased 
duty on tobacco proposed by Bel- 
gium, 109 ; resigns mission to Bel- 
gium and returns to America, 114; 
enthusiastic reception at Montgom- 
ery, Ala., 118 ; nominated for Con- 
gress, 121 ; public debate with Mr. 
Cochran, 121-4 ; defeats Mr. Coch- 
ran, 125 ; speech on the Oregon 
question, 136-143 ; re-elected to 
Congress, 181 ; tribute to Mr. 
Adams, 187-90 ; speech in support 
of Gen. Taylor, 192-3 ; appointed 
delegate to Whig Convention at 
Philadelphia, 195 ; renominated for 
Congress 207 ; defeats Mr. Pugh, 
209 ; biographical notice in the 
America7i Revietu, 210 ; speech at 
Castle Garden, New York, in behalf 
of the American Institute, 235-9 ; 
views on slavery, 247, 248; declines 
a renomination for Congress, 249 ; 
debates with Mr. Yancey at Union 
Springs, Chattahoochee, Montgom- 
ery, and elsewhere, 251-8 ; eulogy 
of j\Ir. Clay, 251, 252 ; eulogy of Mr. 
Webster, 263-6 ; debate with Gen. 
Walker, 273 ; commencement ad- 
dress at the University of Virginia, 
278-81 ; speech at Cooper Union, 
New York, 304, 305; speech at Mont- 
gomery against hasty action in regard 
to secession 309, 310 ; mission to 
Tennessee in behalf of the Confed- 
eracy, 325-9 ; address to the Ten- 
nessee legislature, 327, 328 ; letter of 
Mr. Seward to, in regard to recon- 
struction, 348; letter of Chief-Justice 
Chase to, 353-5 ; appointed Minister 



INDEX. 



441 



to Brazil, 358 ; address to the Em- 
peror of Brazil, 365-7 ; negotiates 
trade-mark treaty with Brazil, 
373-5 ; efforts in behalf of the abo- 
lition of slavery in Brazil, 394-402 ; 
banquet given to, by the Anti- 
Slavery Society in Rio, 398, 399 ; ex- 
tract from a newspaper account of 
banquet to, 428 ; full text of speech 
at banquet, 428-33 

Hilliard, Henry W., Jr., 227, 228 

Hilliard, William Preston, 242 

Holland, Breda, 93 ; Rotterdam, 94 ; 
The Hague, 94 ; Scheveningen, 95 ; 
Leyden, 96 ; Haarlem, 96 ; Amster- 
dam, 97 ; Broek, 98 ; Utrecht, 99 

Holt, Joseph, 314 

Hopkins, Arthur F., 119 

Hotel des Invalides, 105 

Hotel de Ville, 55 

Houston, Gen. Sam., 312 

Hughes, Christopher, Minister to 
Holland, 95 

Humboldt, Baron von, 45 

Hunter, Robert M. T., 129, 182 

1 

Inauguration of President Taylor, 206 
Ingersoll, Charles J., 128, 153, 154, 

160, 161 
Ingersoll, Joseph R., 130, 153 

J 

Jackson, Gen. Andrew, 16 seq. 
Jackson, Gen. " Stonewall," 336 
Johnson, Andrew, 130, 346-52 
Johnson, Herschel V., 288, 350 
Johnston, Gen. Albert S., 333 
Johnston, Gen. Joseph E., 334, 341, 
347 

K 

Kansas and Nebraska, territories of, 
passage of bill permitting slavery in, 
267 



Kansas-Nebraska Act, the, 192 
King, Horatio, 307 
King, Thomas B., 128 
King, William R., 213, 259 
Koskul, Count, 369 



Lane, Gen. Joseph, 171, 289 

Lee, Gen. Robert E., 333, 340, 

341 

Legare, Hugh S., 42, 203 

Leigh, Benjamin Watkins, 8 

Leopold, King of Belgium, 47, 91 

Leyden, 96 

Lieutenant-General, President Polk 
recommends appointment of, 176 ; 
recommendation defeated in Senate, 
176 

Lincoln, Abraham, 182, 290, 305, 
316, 323, 324, 343-7 ; effect of elec- 
tion of, 306 ; inauguration of, 316 

Lind, Mile. Jenny, 239-44 ; Miss 
Frederika Bremer's tribute to, 240 

"Log-Cabin" campaign, the, 14-22 

Longfellow, Henry W., 201 

Louise, Queen of Belgium, 48 

Louis Philippe, King of France, 68- 
70 

Luther's speech at the Diet of Worms, 
87 

Lyndhurst, Lord, 35 



M 



McDowell, General Irvin, 334 
McKee, Col., 168, 170 
Madison, Mrs. James, 29 
Mallory, Stephen R., 316 
Manassas, battle of, 334, 335 
Marshall, Brig.-Gen. Humphrey, r68, 

173 
Mason, James M., 220 
Maxcy, Virgil, 41 
Melodeon, the, (Mr. Theodore Parker's 

church) service at, 203, 204 



442 



INDEX, 



Memminger, Charles G., 316 

Meredith, William M., 206 

Mexico, rupture of relations with, 
145 ; war with, 146 seq., treaty with, 
191 ; cedes Upper California and 
New Mexico to the United States, 
191 

Militia, the, proclamation calling out, 

323 

Mississippi Rifles praised for gallantry 

at Buena Vista, 174 
Mississippi, secession of, 308 
Missouri Compromise Act, 192, 198, 

266, 267 
Missouri compromise line, Pres. Polk 

recommends its extension to the 

Pacific Ocean, 198 
Monterey, battle of, 162 
Montgomery, Alabama, meeting at, 

208 ; commercial convention at, 

255-8 ; State convention at, 310 
Moore, Andrew B., 310 
Moorehead, Ex-Gov., 294 
Munroe, Major, 174 



N 



Nabuco, Joaquim, 381, 394, 395, 402 ; 

text of Mr. Milliard's correspondence 

with, relative to the results of 

emancipation in the United States, 

412-26 
Napoleon I., 406 
Nebraska and Kansas, territories of, 

passage of bill permitting slavery 

in, 267 
New Mexico, ceded by Mexico to the 

United States, 191 ; and Texas, 

boundary between, defined, 232 
New York, mass-meeting at Cooper 

Union, 292-4 ; Mr. Hilliard's speech 

at, 294-302 
Norris, William, 93 
North Carolina, secession of, 333 
Notre Dame, 106 



O'Brien, Capt., 172 
Oregon, dispute with Great Britain 
concerning, 133 ; debate upon, 134 
Otis, Harrison Gray, 187 



Pacific Ocean, Pres. Polk recommends 
the extension of the Missouri com- 
promise line to, 198 

Palo Alto, battle of, 147 

Paris, 66 seq., loi, 359 

Parker, Theodore, 203, 204 

Partridge, Hon. Mr. (U. S. Minister 
to Brazil), 360 

Payne attempts to assassinate Mr. 
Seward, 349, 350 

Pedro I. , Emperor of Brazil, 367, 368 

Pedro II., Emperor of Brazil, 367, 
368, 393, 404 

Perkins, Mrs., 351 

Pernambuco, 361 

Periy, Comm. Matthew C, 29 

" Personal liberty" laws, 277 

Petropolis, 379, 380 

Philadelphia, Whig Convention in, 
194 ; National Convention of the 
American Party at, 269 ; Republi- 
can National Convention at, 270 

Pickens, Francis W., 307, 308, 322 

Pierce, Gen. Franklin, 259, 266, 307 

Pillow, Gen. Gideon, 183 

Polk, James K., 117, 132, 159, 182, 
198 ; Cabinet of, 126 

Polk, Mrs. James K., 328 

Prescott, William H., 190, 201, 202 

Preston, William C, 2, 4, 12, 20, 
277, 282-4 

Pryor, Gen. Roger A., 255 

Pugh, Senator, of Ohio, 285-7 

R 

Randall, Josiah, 195, 285 
Reagan, John H., 316 



INDEX. 



443 



Reconstruction measures, 347 ; letter 
of Mr. Seward to Mr. Hilliard con- 
cerning, 348 

Republican Party, the, organization 
of, 267 ; National Convention of, 
at Philadelphia, 270 ; National 
Convention of, at Chicago, 290 

Resaca de la Palma, 148 

Resignation of President Taylor's 
Cabinet, 230 

Rhine, the, 85 

Rio de Janeiro, 362, 363 ; freedom of 
the press of, 382 ; the botanical 
Garden Railroad, 375 

Rotterdam, 94 

Rumigny, Marquis de, 64 



St. Gudule, cathedral of, 78 
St. Paul's Cathedral, 386 
San Crist ovao, palace of, 364 
Santa Anna, Gen. Antonio L., 164 
Sariava, President, interpellation of, 
399-401 ; speech of, in reply to in- 
terpellation, 433-5 
Scheveningen, 95 
Schreiner, Baron, 381 
Scott, Gen. Winfield, i, 7 seq., 12, 
163, 175, 182, 183, 195, 233, 259-61, 
266 
Secession, of Southern delegates from 
Democratic National Convention at 
Charleston, 287 ; of South Carolina, 

307 ; of Mississippi, 308 ; of Florida, 

308 ; Mr. Hilliard's speech against 
hasty action in regard to 309, 310 ; 
of Alabama, 311 ; of Georgia 312 ; 
of North Carolina, 323 ; of Virginia, 
323 ; of Tennessee, 329 

Seward, William H., 214, 290, 318, 

347-50 
Seymour, Sir Hamilton, 65, 304 
Shannon, Col.. 364, 377 
Sherman, Capt., 172, 174 



Sherman, Gen. William T., 341, 347 
Slave-holding States, meeting of Con- 
gressmen from, 198 
Slavery, Gen. Harrison opposed to, 
9 ; Mr. Calhoun's resolution deny- 
ing the power of Congress to pro- 
hibit slavery in the territories, 176 ; 
question of its introduction into 
California and New Mexico, 191 ; 
interview of Mr. Clay with Mr. 
Webster in regard to, 218 ; Mr. 
Clay's plan concerning, 219 ; Mr. 
Calhoun's speech upon, 221 ; Mr. 
Webster's speech upon, 224 ; dis- 
cussion between Messrs. Webster and 
Calhoun, 225, 226 ; Mr. Hilliard's 
views upon, 248, 249 ; action of the 
Democratic National Convention at 
Charleston in regard to, 287 ; clause 
relating to, in platform adopted 
by Southern delegates to the Charles- 
ton Democratic Convention, 288 ; 
clause relating to, in platform adopt- 
ed by the Republican Party in i860, 
290, 291 ; Mr. Hilliard's argument 
from the Constitution in support of, 
299 ; abolition of, 336-40 ; Mr. 
Hilliard's views upon the emancipa- 
tion proclamation in Brazil, 393-402 

Slaves, fugitive, dissatisfaction in the 
North at the adoption of law con- 
cerning extradition of, 244 ; rescue 
of, in Boston, 245 

Smithsonian Institute, organization of, 
149 

Smithson, James, 149 

Speed, Joshua F., 339 

Speed, Joshua L., 345, 349 

" Spirit of Liberty," the (Mr. Hil- 
liard's commencement address at 
the University of Virginia), 278-82 

Spurgeon, Rev. Chas. H., 384-6 

Soule, Senator, 214 

Soult, Marshal Nicholas Jean de Dieu, 
104 



444 



INDEX. 



South Carolina, secession of, 307 ; 
passage of bill for an army by, 307 

Southern delegates, withdrawal of, 
from Democratic National Conven- 
tion at Charleston, 287 ; slavery 
clause in platform adopted by, 288 

" Southern-rights men," 258 

Southern States, measures for the pro- 
tection of, 199 ; Mr. Hilliard out- 
lines the true policy of, at Mont- 
gomery, 256-8 

Sovereign power of Congress over the 
territories of the United States, 270 

Stanley, Dean Arthur P. , 407 

Star of the West (steamship) fired 
upon by South Carolina troops, 314 

Stephens, Alexander H., 118, 311, 
315, 323. 338, 349; speech of, in 
opposition to secession, 311 ; views 
of, on Confederate constitution, 317 

Stuttgart, 360 



Tamagno, M., 377 

Tayloe, Benjamin O., 247 

Taylor, Gen. Zachary, 146, 162 seq., 
182, 192, 195, 197, 205, 206, 215, 
229-31 ; Cabinet of, 206, 207 ; 
President Fillmore's message to 
Congress on the death of, 230 ; 
funeral of, 230 

Tennessee, Mr. Hilliard's mission to, 
on behalf of the Confederacy, 
525-9 ; secession of, 329 

Territories, Calhoun's resolution de- 
nying the power of Congress to 
prohibit slavery in, 176 ; Calhoun's 
speech in defence of, 177 

Texas and New Mexico, boundary 
between, defined, 232 

Texas, Clay's opposition to its annexa- 
tion, 117 

Texas, secession of, 312 

Theresa, Donna, 368 



Thomas, Lieut, (afterwards Gen.) 

George H., 172 
Thompson, Jacob, 276, 314 
Thompson, Richard W., 357 
Thurman, Allen G., 132 
Ticknor, George, 202 
Toombs, Robert, 131, 316 
Toucey, Isaac, 276 
Trade-mark treaty with Brazil, 373-5 
Trist, Nicholas, 176 
Tuileries, the, 66 ; reception at, 102 
Tuscaloosa, Ala. , State Convention at, 

19 
Twiggs, Gen., 313 
Tyler, John, 4, 17 seq., 24, 115, 313 

U 

" Union men," 258 

University of Virginia, 277 ; Mr. Hil- 
liard's commencement address at, 
278-82 

Upper California ceded to the United 
States by Mexico, 191 

Utrecht, 99 



V 



Van Buren, Martin, 13 seq., 117, 196, 
197 

Vera Cruz, capture of, 176 

Versailles, 106, 383, 384 

Victoria, Queen, visit to Brussels of, 
80 

Virginia, efforts of the State of, to re- 
store harmony in the country, 313 ; 
secession of, 323 

Virginia, University of, Mr. Hilliard's 
commencement address at, 278-82 



W 



Walker, Gen. L. P., 271, 272, 316, 319, 

322 
Washington, Capt., 16S, 174 
Waterloo, 56 ; battle of, 57 seq. 



INDEX. 



445 



Watts, Thomas H., 310 

Webster, Daniel, 2, 14, 20 seq.^ no, 
194, 195, 213, 217, 222, 226, 231- 
3, 262, 263 ; debate on Charles J. 
Ingersoll's attack on, 154 seq.; Mr. 
Hilliard's eulogy of, 263-6 

Wellington, Duke of, 35 

Whig National Convention, at Harris- 
burg, Pa., i-ii ; at Philadelphia, 
194 ; at Baltimore, 259, 260 

Wilmot, David, 148, 9 



Winthrop, Robert C, 181, 214, 232, 

233 
Wood, Fernando, 294 
Worms, 86 ; diet of, 86 ; Luther's 

speech at, 87 



Yancey, William L., 128, 194, 251-8, 

285, 286 
Yell, Colonel, 168 



THE END. 








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